IRAN SHIA Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Kashani سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی photo 1952

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Seller: memorabilia111 ✉️ (808) 100%, Location: Ann Arbor, Michigan, US, Ships to: US & many other countries, Item: 176284773209 IRAN SHIA Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Kashani سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی photo 1952. A vintage photo from 1952 measuring 7x9 inches of Sayyed Abu’l-Qāsem Kāšāni (Persian: سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی‎; November 19, 1882 – March 14, 1962) who was an Iranian politician and Shia Marja. A politically influential Ayatollah Kashani, a collaborator in the 1953 coup d'état and the future leader of the Islamic Revolution.  

 در عراق و ايران، در سن 76 سالگی دارفاني را وداع گفت.   آیت الله کاشانی در 1264 خورشیدی دیده به جهان گشود. پدرش، آیت الله حاج سید مصطفی كاشانی، از علما و مراجع بزرگ شیعه در عصر خویش بود كه در سال 1280 ش. از ایران به نجف اشرف هجرت كرد و به تحقیق و تدریس پرداخت. سید ابوالقاسم كه در این هنگام، جوانی شانزده ساله بود ـ همراه پدر عازم نجف اشرف گردید و در آن جا علاوه بر استفاده از حلقه درس پدر و دیگر اساتید، دوره سطح را به پایان برد و سپس در درس آیت الله میرزا محمدتقی شیرازی و آیت الله آخوند خراسانی شركت جست. او از همان آغاز جوانی به نكته سنجی و دقت نظر مشهور شده و در دانش سرآمد بود؛ بطوری كه در 25 سالگی به درجه اجتهاد دست یافت و بزرگانی مانند آیت الله شیخ الشریعه اصفهانی، آیت الله آقا ضیاءالدین عراقی و آیت الله صدر در نوشته‎های خود، مقام علمی‎اش را با القابی نظیر «شكافنده دریای علم»، «كلید در گنج‌های دقیق» و... ستودند و آیت الله میرزا محمدتقی شیرازی، تقلید از وی را تأیید می‎نمود.[۱] او از جوانی دارای افكار آزادی‌خواهانه و ستم ستیز بود و از این رو در منطقه‎ای به وسعت جهان اسلام با استعمار و استبداد وارد مبارزه شد. آیت الله كاشانی در نهضت مشروطه، مشاور شخصیتی چون آیت الله آخوند خراسانی (از رهبران اصلی نهضت) بود و او را در تصمیم‌گیری و تنظیم اعلامیه‎ها یاری می‎داد. در جنگ جهانی اول ـ كه نیروهای انگلیسی بعضی از شهرهای عراق از جمله «فاو» و «بصره» را اشغال كرده بودند، آیت الله كاشانی به دلیل جوان بودن و پرشورتربودن، در صف اول نبرد علمای شیعه با متجاوزین قرار داشت، آنان با جنگ‌های چریكی و پی در پی، نیروهای دشمن را در منطقه «كوت العماره» زمین‌گیر كردند و سرانجام پس از هیجده ماه جنگ و مقاومت، به كمك دولت عثمانی، نیروهای انگلیسی را وادار به تسلیم نمودند. انقلاب 1920 عراق او در این انقلاب نقشی یگانه داشت، آیت الله كاشانی به منظور آماده كردن مردم و سران عشایر برای مبارزه با سلطه استعمار، از نجف به كاظمین رفت و آن جا را برای شروع یك حركت انقلاب برگزید. با آغاز فعالیت‎های ضداستعماریش، علمای بزرگی چون آیت الله میرزا محمدتقی شیرازی و شیخ الشریعه اصفهانی با نوشتن نامه‎هایی به یاری وی برخاستند و به دنبال آن، عمده‎ای از سران عشایر نیز به تأیید حركت او پرداختند. پس از آن كه راههای مسالمت آمیز برای استقلال عراق به نتیجه نرسید، آیت الله كاشانی عده‎ای از علمای حوزه، بزرگان عشایر و سران عرب را در پانزدهم شعبان 1338 ق. به منزل خود در كربلا فراخواند. و مسأله قیام مسلحانه بر ضداستعمار انگلیس را به بحث گذاشت. در آن جلسه مخفیانه تصمیم بر آن شد كه پنج نفر از شركت كنندگان، مسأله را با آیت الله شیرازی در میان بگذارند و آنان نیز پس از صحبت با آن مرجع بزرگ، از او اجازه قیام مسلحانه گرفتند. با شروع نبرد بین انقلابیون و نیروهای انگلیسی، آقای كاشانی از آیت الله شیرازی فتوای جهاد گرفت و به این ترتیب قیام در سرتاسر مناطق اشغالی فراگیر شد و بعضی از شهرها و مناطق بدست مسلمانان آزاد گردید.[۲] پس از شكست انقلاب عراق، او به تقاضای عده‎ای از مردم عراق و سران عشایر برای در امان ماندن از كینه استعمار انگلیس، عازم ایران گردید و بعد از چند روز توقف در شهر قم، در سی‎ام بهمن 1299 وارد تهران شد. انتقام جوئی استعمار با شروع جنگ جهانی دوم و اشغال ایران توسط نیروهای متفقین، استعمار انگلیس كه از مبارزات آیت الله كاشانی در عراق ضربات سختی خورده بود با شایع كردن همكاری او با آلمانی‌ها، تصمیم به دستگیری‎اش گرفت تا بدون مزاحمت وی بتواند در انتخابات دوره چهارم دهم مجلس دخالت كند. به همین منظور در خرداد 1322 چند افسر انگلیسی برای دستگیری آن روحانی مجاهد به منزلش هجوم بردند. اما بر اثر هوشیاری و فداكاری یارانش ناكام ماندند. آیت الله كاشانی به ناچار مخفی گردد. كاشانی مدت یك سال، مخفیانه به مبارزه‎اش ادامه داد تا این كه انگلیسی‌ها در هنگام انتخابات مجلس از محل اقامتش در تهران (امامزاده قاسم شمیران) باخبر شده و او را دستگیر كردند. با وجود این كه وی از سوی مردم تهران به عنوان نماینده انتخاب گردیده بود، به دستور فرستاد ارتش متفقین، از لیست اسامی نمایندگان حذف شده و به زندان روس‌ها در رشت فرستاده شد. او پس از چندی به زندان انگلیسی‌ها در اراك و سپس به زندانی در كرمانشاه منتقل گردید. سرانجام پس از تحمل یك سال و چهار ماه زندان در سخت‎ترین شرایط، در 24 مرداد 1324 آزاد گشت و روز جمعه، سی و یكم شهریور، میان انبوه استقبال كنندگان وارد تهران شد.[۳] مخالفت با دولت قوام در انتخابات دوره پانزدهم مجلس، نخست وزیر (قوام السلطنه) در صدد بود تا آن را به صورت فرمایشی برگزار كند. مجاهد نستوه كه چندین ماه از آزادی‎اش نگذشته بود، برای افشا كردن ماهیت قوام بپا خاست و پس از سخنرانی در تهران، عازم مشهد شد و در شهرهای مسیرش، مردم را از وابسته بودن قوام به انگلیس و دخالت او در انتخابات آگاه می‎كرد. قوام از این اقدام به وحشت افتاد و او را در تیر ماه 1325 در بین راه شاهرود ـ مشهد دستگیر كرده و به بهجت آباد قزوین تبعید نمود. آیت الله كاشانی یك سال در تبعید بسر می‎برد تا این كه بر اثر فشارهای سیاسی از سوی علما و مردم، در 21 خرداد 1326 آزاد گردید و دوباره به تهران برگشت. شاه ایران پس از قوام، عبدالحسین هژیر، یكی دیگر از نوكران استعمار، را به عنوان نخست وزیر به مجلس معرفی كرد. كاشانی كه از وابستگی هژیر اطلاع داشت، به مخالفت برخاست و در 27 خرداد 1327 یعنی روزی كه قرار بود، هژیر برای گرفتن رأی اعتماد به مجلس برود، مردم را به راهپیمایی در جلوی مجلس فراخواند. مردم در آن روز تظاهرات پرشوری به راه انداختند به گونه‎ای عده‎ای در درگیری با مزدوران رژیم به شهادت رسیدند. تبعید به لبنان مخالفت‌های آیت الله كاشانی سبب گشت تا در آستانه تشكیل مجلس مؤسسان برای تغییر قانون اساسی، او را از ایران دور گردانند. از این رو پس از واقعه ساختگی ترور ناموفق شاه بدست فخرایی در پانزدهم بهمن 1327، به دستور هژیر آیت الله كاشانی را به بهانه دست داشتن در ترور دستگیر و به لبنان تبعید كردند. او در تبعیدگاه بیروت نیز از آن چه كه در ایران می‎گذشت، غافل نبود و در اعلامیه‎هایش خطاب به ملت ایران و نمایندگان مجلس، آنان را به وظایفشان توجه می‎داد.[۴] سرانجام اعلامیه‎ها مؤثر افتاد و آیت الله كاشانی و تعدادی دیگر از افراد مبارز در انتخابات دوره شانزدهم رأی لازم را بدست آوردند. ولی رژیم برای جلوگیری از ورود نمایندگان واقعی ملت به مجلس، در تعداد آراء تقلب كرد. مردم از این كار رژیم خشمگین گشتند و سید حسین امامی كه از طرفداران كاشانی و شاهد تعویض آراء بود، به دستور فدائیان اسلام، هژیر (كارگردان تقلب در آراء) را ترور كرد و به هیأت ننگین او خاتمه داد. از این رو پس از تشكیل مجلس شانزدهم، منصور الملك، نخست وزیر وقت ایران با فرستادن تلگراف، از آیت الله كاشانی عذرخواهی كرد و خواستار بازگشت وی به ایران شد و او در روز بیستم خرداد 1329 به وطنش برگشت. مبارزه با رزم آرا سپهبد رزم آرا به منظور تمدید و توسعه امتیاز نفت جنوب (قرارداد گس ـ گلشائیان) در پنجم تیر 1329 به مقام نخست وزیری رسید. روحانی مجاهد كه هدف روی كارآمدن رزم آرا را دریافته بود، با نخست وزیر به مخالفت برخاست و مردم و نمایندگان را از نقشه دشمن آگاه كرد. به دنبال مخالفت وی با رزم آرا، بازار تهران به حال تعطیل در آمد و هزاران نفر در میدان بهارستان اجتماع كرده تا از ورود او به مجلس جلوگیری كنند. آیت الله كاشانی برای جلوگیری از تصویب قرارداد نفت در مجلس، اعلامیه‎ای خطاب به ملت ایران، درباره ملی كردن صنعت نفت صادر كرد.[۵] اما رزم آرا با گستاخی تمام و بی‎اعتنا به نظر علما و نمایندگان مجلس و مردم، همچنان بر تصویب قرارداد الحاقی نفت جنوب پافشاری می‎كرد و با بی‎شرمی، در حضور نمایندگان ملت به لیاقت مردم ایران در اداره صنعت نفت، اهانت نمود. سرانجام رزم‌آرا در شانزدهم اسفند 1339 با گلوله آتشین خلیل طهماسبی (از اعضای فدائیان اسلام) از پای درآمد و پرونده خیانتش بسته شد. او در برداشتن آخرین گام‌ها برای ملی كردن صنعت نفت، همزمان با دفن جنازه رزم آرا، دستور برپایی تظاهرات همگانی را صادر كرد. وقتی این خبر به گوش نوكران استعمار رسید، آنان سر در گم شدند و كفیل نخست وزیری با عجله هیأت وزیران را به جلسه‎ای اضطراری فراخواند. در این جلسه تصمیم گرفته شد تا با كاشانی مذاكره كنند و او را از این اقدام منصرف نمایند و یا تظاهرات را به تأخیر بیندازد. اما آن رهبر آگاه، فرصت را از دست نداد و گفت: من آرامش تظاهرات را تا آخرین دقیقه تضمین می‎كنم به شرط این كه شما نظم ما را بر هم نزنید. از این رو تظاهرات بزرگ صد هزار نفری در تهران با شعارهایی در حمایت از اسلام و مخالفت را دخالت انگلیس در امور ایران به راه افتاد. جلوه های معنوی و اخلاقی آیت اللّه کاشانی از سخنانی که دانشمندان بزرگ اسلامی در ستایش از مقام معنوی و اخلاقی آیت اللّه سیدابوالقاسم کاشانی گفته و وی را ستوده اند به خوبی مقام والا و شخصیت عظیم علمی، اخلاقی و معنوی او معلوم می شود. زندگی نامه و تاریخ روشن و سراسر افتخار این عالم سپیدسیرت و مبارز نیز خود گواهی صادق بر این مطلب است. آیت اللّه کاشانی در زهد و تقوا، طهارت، تعالی روح، دانش و حکمت و اخلاص و پاکی نیت به درجه ای رسیده بود که مورد اطمینان و محبوب عام و خاص بود. به گونه ای که دیگران در همان دیدار و برخورد نخست شیفته اخلاق پیامبرگونه او می شدند و مهر و محبت او در دل های پاک و باصفا جای می گرفت. وی در مجلس و جمع یاران، همانند پیامبر اکرم صلی الله علیه و آله وسلم ، جدّ بزرگوارش، بود. بدون توجه به این که محلی خاص را در جمع دوستان و دیگران به خود اختصاص دهد بالا و پایین مجلس برای او یکسان بود. ملی شدن صنعت نفت پس از ترور رزم‌آرا هیچ كس جرأت مقاومت در برابر طرح ملی شدن صنعت نفت را نداشت. از این رو با تلاش تعداد كمی از نمایندگان مجلس، در 24 اسفند 1339، طرح ملی شدن صنعت نفت در مجلس شورای ملی به تصویب رسید و در 29 اسفند همان سال از تصویب مجلس سنا نیز گذشت و به این ترتیب در اثر تلاش و فداكاری مردم به رهبری آیت الله كاشانی یكی از آرزوهای ملت ستمدیده ایران، به ثمر نشست. حسین علاء كه پس از رزم آرا به نخست وزیری رسیده بود، بیش از دو ماه دوام نیاورد. بعد از استعفای علاء، دكتر مصدق در هفتم اردیبهشت 1330 به نخست وزیری رسید و آیت الله كاشانی در حمایت از او اعلام دشت كه دست وی را در انتخاب وزیران باز خواهد گذاشت و هیچ گونه دخالتی در این باره نخواهد كرد. او برای پشتیبانی از دولت دكتر مصدق در برابر كارشكنی‎ها و تهدیدهای انگلستان، مردم را به اجتماع در میدان بهارستان فراخواند و طی پیامی كه برای اجتماع كنندگان فرستاد، آنان را نسبت به كارشكنی‎های انگلیس در همدستی آمریكا با وی، آگاه كرد.[۶] همچنین هنگامی كه دولت مصدق برای تأمین كمبود بودجه دولت، اقدام به پخش اوراق قرضه كرد، آیت الله كاشانی مردم را به یاری دولت فراخواند و خرید اوراق قرضه را بر همه افراد واجب نمود.[۷] پس از تهدید دولت مصدق از سوی استعمار مبنی بر دخالت نظامی و گسیل داشتن چهار هزار چترباز و حركت ناوهای جنگی به طرف سواحل ایران، مجاهد نستوه با شجاعتی حسینی، از اعلام جهاد سخن به میان آورد و گفت: اگر انگلیسی‌ها به خاك ایران تجاوز كنند، خوزستان را برای آن ها به جهنم تبدیل می‎كند.[۸] در نتیجه انگلیس موقعیت را برای دخالت نظامی مناسب ندید و با همكاری آمریكا به محاصره اقتصادی ایران دست زد. توجه به جهان اسلام آیت الله كاشانی هیچ گاه از مسائل جهان اسلام غافل نبود؛ از این رو در سال 1326 ش. كه تأسیس دولت غاصب اسرائیل اعلام گردید، اعلامیه‎ای خطاب به مسلمانان جهان صادر كرد و در آن، ضمن بر شمردن اهداف تشكیل سازمان ملل و شعارهای دروغین آن، به موضع گیری ظالمانه سازمان ملل درباره اندونزی، مصر و فلسطین اشاره كرد و رأی این سازمان در تقسیم سرزمین فلسطین بین صهیونیست‌های مهاجر و مردم عرب و مسلمان آن را زیر سؤال برد. او مسلمانان را نسبت به فسادی كه دولت غاصب اسرائیل در آینده ایجاد خواهد كرد، هشدار داد و از آنان خواست تا تمام كوشش خود را برای ریشه‌كن كردن این غده سرطانی بكار گیرند.[۹] او مردم ایران را به تظاهرات بر ضداسرائیل غاصب دعوت كرد كه در روز بیستم دی ماه 1326، بیش از سی‎هزار نفر در تهران به این دعوت لبیك گفتند. وی در سی‎ام اردیبهشت 1327 بار دیگر مردم را به تظاهرات بر ضداسرائیل فراخواند و خود در اجتماع پرشور تظاهركنندگان سخنرانی نمود و وضع نابسامان مسلمانان را نتیجه دخالت استعمارگران در امور آن ها و از بین رفتن روح اتحاد و دوری از احكام اسلام دانست.[۱۰] آیت الله كاشانی مسلمانان مصر را نیز در مبارزات استقلال طلبانه آنان، مورد حمایت قرار و در بحران كانال سوئز، پیامبر تأییدی خطاب به جمال عبدالناصر (رئیس جمهور مصر) فرستاد و در مسجد ارك تهران مراسمی برای گرامی داشت یاد شهدای مصر و ارج نهادن به فداكاری‌هایشان برپا كرد. او در جریان مبارزه مردم مسلمان تونس برای رهایی از سلطه استعمار فرانسه، بیانیه‎ای صادر كرد و تنفر شدید خود را نسبت به برقراری جو ترور و وحشت توسط فرانسه در خاك تونس، بیان داشت. و وی در این باره از آقای مصدق خواست تا به نماینده ایران در سازمان ملل دستور دهد كه تلاش كند قضیه تونس در دستور كار شورای امنیت قرار گیرد و هر چه زودتر به تونس استقلال كامل داده شود.[۱۱] آیت الله كاشانی در سال 1331 ش. پس از بازگشت از مراسم حج، نامه‎ای به تمام كشورهای اسلامی فرستاد و از آن ها خواست برای شركت در كنگره اسلامی و تبادل نظر درباره اتحاد جهان اسلام، نمایندگانی به ایران بفرستند.[۱۲] این فكر با استقبال شایانی در میان كشورهای اسلامی روبرو گشت و نظرهای موافق پی در پی به ایران می‎رسید؛ اما استعمارگران كه از اندیشه اتحاد جهان اسلام وحشت داشتند، به كمك جیره‌خواران داخلی خود تصمیم گرفتند، شخصیت آیت الله كاشانی را ترور نمایند. از این رو زمزمه‎های مخالفت با تشكیل كنگره، از حلقوم‌های مختلف بلند شد و از تحقق این فكر جلوگیری كردند. نخست وزیری چهار روزه دكتر مصدق در 25/4/1331 نسبت به در اختیار گرفتن وزارت جنگ (كه به دست شاه بود) با شاه اختلاف پیدا كرد و به دنبال آن بدون این كه مجلس یا كسی دیگر را در جریان قرار دهد، استعفا داد. شاه نیز با اشاره انگلیس، احمد قوام را به عنوان نخست وزیر معرفی كرد. قوام برای كنترل اوضاع، به فریب و تهدید مردم دست زد تا استعمار را در برگرداندن منافع از دست رفته‎اش یاری دهد. در فضایی كه كسی جرأت اعتراض نداشت و همه مهر خاموشی بر لب زده بودند، آیت الله كاشانی خروشی دیگر آغاز كرد و با نادیده گرفتن یاوه‎های قوام، یك بار دیگر ملت ایران را برای به نمایش گذاردن قدرت خویش به قیام دعوت و ضمن اعلامیه‎ای اظهار داشت: «...احمد قوام باید بداند كه در سرزمینی كه مردم رنجدیده آن پس از سال‌ها رنج و تعب، شانه از زیر بار دیكتاتوری بیرون كشیده‎اند، نباید رسماً اختناق افكار عقاید را اعلام و مردم را به اعدام جمعی تهدید نماید. من صریحاً می‎گویم كه بر عموم برادران مسلمان لازم است در این راه جهاد اكبر، كمر همت بربسته و برای آخرین مرتبه به صاحبان سیاست استعمار ثابت كنند كه تلاش آن ها در بدست آوردن سیطره گذشته محال است...».[۱۳] به دنبال انتشار این اعلامیه، مردم برای مبارزه به صحنه آمدند و تلاش شاه و قوام برای به سازش كشاندن كاشانی مؤثر نیفتاد، از این رو قوام در شب 29 تیرماه 1331 حكم دستگیری آن مجاهد نستوه را صادر كرد. فردای آن شب كه مأموران امنیتی برای دستگیری او رفتند، بسیار دیر بود. زیرا مردم منزل رهبر خویش را تا محدوده صد متری هم چون نگینی در میان گرفته بودند. در این هنگام، آیت ‌الله كاشانی در مصاحبه با خبرنگاران داخلی و خارجی آخرین ضربه را بر پیكر نیمه جان دولت قوام نواخت و اعلام داشت كه: روی كار آمدن قوام، زیر نظر انگلیسی‌ها بود و ما تا آخرین قطره خون ایستادگی خواهیم كرد و اگر قوام تا 48 ساعت دیگر، استعفا ندهد، خود كفن می‎پوشم و پیشاپیش صفوف مردم مسلمان حركت او را سرنگون خواهم كرد.[۱۴] پس از این مصاحبه، مردم با هجوم یكپارچه و جانفشانی بسیار، در كمتر از بیست ساعت دولت قوام را ساقط كردند و نخست وزیری‎اش چهار روز بیشتر طول نكشید. به این ترتیب دكتر مصدق بعد از پنج روز خانه‌نشینی و انزوا، دوباره به نخست وزیری رسید. منزوی كردن آیت الله كاشانی در این هنگام استعمار انگلیس برای ضربه‌زدن به جبهه انقلابیون، نقشه ترور شخصیت كاشانی را اجرا كرد و از رو تبلیغات وسیعی علیه او به راه انداخت و دشمنان آگاه و دوستان نادان دست به دست هم داده تا به آرزوی نامیمونِ استعمار جامه عمل بپوشانند و ضمن ایجاد شكاف بین مصدق، خانه آیت الله كاشانی را با مواد آتش زا، چوب و سنگ مورد حمله قرار دادند.[۱۵] با این حال، وقتی این روحانی دلسوز نسبت به دولت مصدق احساس خطر كرد در روز 27 مرداد 1332 نامه‎ای به مصدق نوشت و او را از وقوع یك كودتا به دست زاهدی آگاه كرد.[۱۶] ولی با تأسف در اثر بی‎توجهی، سهل انگاری و همكاری مصدق با عوامل كودتا[۱۷]، در روز 28 مرداد 1332 سرلشكر زاهدی به كمك آمریكا كودتا كرد و مصدق بدون هیچ گونه مقاومت شایسته‎ای كشور را به دشمن سپرد و نتایج سال‌ها تلاش و فداكاری ملت بر باد رفت. خروشی دیگر زاهدی پس از به قدرت رسیدن، امینی را به منظور امضای قرار دادی با كنسرسیوم نفتی متشكل از كمپانی‌های نفتی انگلیس، آمریكا، هلند و فرانسه تعیین نمود. در این هنگام آیت الله با فریادی حسینی، سكوت مرگبار حاكم بر جامعه را شكست و با صدور اعلامیه‎ای، مردم را از خیانت‌های زاهدی و هجوم دوباره استعمارگران به كشور، آگاه كرد[۱۸] درباره رابطه با انگلستان اعلام كرد: روزی كه دولت تجدید رابطه را اعلام بكند، روز عزای ملی است و مردم باید نوار سیاه به سینه خود نصب كنند.[۱۹] او در جریان انتخابات دوره هیجدهم مجلس، شبنامه‎ای علیه انتخابات نمایشی و فرمایشی زاهدی پخش كرد و با فرستادن نامه‎ای به دبیر كل وقت سازمان ملل وضع اسفبار ایران، جو ترور و وحشت و نیز برگزاری انتخابات در محیطی ناسالم و بسیاری مسائل دیگر را بیان كرد تا همگان را از اوضاع ایران آگاه سازد.[۲۰] تا مرز شهادت در سال 1334 ش. شاه برای این كه در پیوستن به پیمان «سنتو» مشكلی از جانبِ كاشانی نداشته باشد، ترتیبی داد تا در دی ماه او را به بهانه شركت در ترور رزم آرا دستگیر و روانه زندان كنند. آن گاه وی را پس از شكنجه‎های بسیار به پای میز محاكمه كشیدند و تا آستانه اعدام پیش بردند. ولی به موجب اعتراض یكپارچه روحانیت، به ویژه آیت الله بروجردی، به ناچار از اعدامش دست كشیده و پس از مدتی آزادش كردند. سرانجام روحانی مجاهد با دلی پرخون از شكست نهضت و برقراری دوباره حكومت فساد، در 23 اسفند 1340 چشم از جهان فروبست و پیكرش تا حرم حضرت عبدالعظیم حسنی علیه السلام تشییع گردید و بین مزار آن حضرت و امامزاده حمزه به خاك سپرده شد. پانویس محتویات ۱ سالهای اولیه زندگی ۲ پس از شهریور ۱۳۲۰ ۳ نهضت ملی شدن صنعت نفت ۴ پس از ۳۰ تیر ۱۳۳۱ ۵ رابطه کاشانی با دربار ۶ درگیری با مصدق بر سر اختیارات ویژه و همه‌پرسی ۷ کاشانی و زاهدی ۸ نامه منسوب به کاشانی در روز پیش از کودتا ۹ نظرات کاشانی نسبت به مصدق پس از کودتا ۱۰ پس از کودتا ۱۱ شاگردان ۱۲ مرگ ۱۳ جستارهای وابسته ۱۴ پانویس ۱۵ منابع ۱۶ پیوند به بیرون سالهای اولیه زندگی سید ابولقاسم فرزند سید مصطفی پسر سید حسین کاشانی از مرجع تقلید، در ۱۲۶۴ به دنیا آمد. به دنبال تحصیلات اصلی و ثانویه، وی تهران را در سن ۱۵ یا ۱۶ سالگی ترک کرد و به همراه پدرش به قصد انجام مراسم حج ابتدا به عراق و از آنجا به مکه عزیمت کرد و پس از انجام مناسک حج مجدداً به عتبات مقدسه مراجعت کرده و در نجف اشرف اقامت گزید. در نجف به تحصیلات مذهبی ادامه داد. ابولقاسم به همان خوبی میرزا خلیل تهرانی و آخوند ملا کاظم خراسانی از پدرش علم آموخت. گفته شده که او در سن جوانی ۲۵ سالگی مجتهد شد.[۴] گفته می‌شود ضدیت کاشانی در برابر انگلیس ریشه در رخداد اشغال بصره در نوامبر ۱۹۱۴ و کربلا و نجف در اواخر ۱۹۱۷ داشت.[۵] در جنگ جهانی اول موقعی که قوای انگلیس به عراق حمله کرد، علمای بزرگ برای دفاع فتوای جهاد دادند، نیروهای ملی به رهبری علما و از جمله پدر او و خود وی قیام کردند و این جهاد، چهارده ماه به طول انجامید. اگرچه در حوالی سال‌های ۱۲۸۵ شمسی که جنبش مشروطه ایران شکل گرفت، او در وطن خویش حضور نداشت و به‌طور مستقیم وارد نهضت نشد، ولی سمت مشاورت شخصیتی چون آخوند خراسانی را بر عهده داشت.[نیازمند منبع] هنگامی که قرارداد ۱۹۱۹ امضا شد، کاشانی با همکاری علمای بزرگ و عشایر عرب ضد این قرارداد قیام کرد و فتوای جهاد داد و علیه نیروهای استعماری اشغالگر به جنگ پرداخت و خود نیز با همدرس و همفکرش سید محمدتقی خوانساری سلاح برداشته و به میدان جنگ رفتند. کاشانی علاوه بر اینکه عضو «هیئت عالی انقلابیون» بود، یکی از چهار عضو «کمیته عالی جنگ حکومت انقلاب» هم بود. این جنگ بیش از شش ماه طول کشید. در سال ۱۹۲۰ مردم عراق به رهبری میرزامحمدتقی شیرازی اقدام همه‌جانبه‌ای را علیه اشغال کشورشان آغاز کردند. کاشانی نیز در جریان انقلاب مردم عراق برای مبارزه با استعمار انگلستان درصدد بپا ساختن یک جنگ مسلحانه برآمد و به انتشار اعلامیه و جلب افکار عمومی پرداخت و عشایر را برای ورود به جبهه‌های نبرد مهیا کرد. سپس خود، سلاح رزم به دوش گرفت و دوشادوش علما و میلیون عراقی به مبارزه پرداخت. اما دیری نپایید که انگلیسی‌ها با توسل به نیروهای هوایی و زمینی خود شکست سختی بر نیروهای انقلابی وارد آوردند و بر عراق مسلط شدند و سر پرسی کاکس، کمیسر عالی انگلیس در بغداد تسلیم هفده نفر از سران انقلاب، از جمله کاشانی را از شروط صلح با عراق تعیین کرد. کاشانی در جریان مبارزات ضداستعماری عراق در جبهه‌های سیاسی و نظامی بسیاری شرکت کرد. در پی مبارزاتش با انگلیس، حکم اعدام او غیاباً از مرکز فرماندهی انگلیسی‌ها صادر شد و وی به ناچار در لباس مبدل کُردی، شبانه به سوی ایران حرکت کرد و پس از راهپیمایی‌های شبانه و عبور از مناطق صعب‌العبور، در ۲ دی ۱۲۹۹ شمسی به مرزهای پشتکوه لرستان رسید.[نیازمند منبع] پس از چندی به قصد تهران به سوی کرمانشاه رفت و بعد از اقامت کوتاهی در همدان و قم در ۳۰ بهمن ۱۲۹۹ شمسی، سه روز قبل از کودتای ۳ اسفند ۱۲۹۹ به تهران رسید. در خیابان پامنار ساکن شد و مورد تجلیل و احترام مردم و اولیای امور وقت قرار گرفت.[۶] سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی به هنگام بازگشت، کاشانی مرد ۴۴ ساله ایی بود که ۲۸ سالش از زندگی اش را در تبعید گذرانید. در تهران، کاشانی به تحریک ضد انگلیسی در خاورمیانه و مصر ادامه داد. او از موافقان جمهوری‌خواهی رضاشاه به‌شمار می‌رفت و بر طبق گفته سید رضا زنجانی علیه مدرس و برای پهلوی میتینگی نیز برگزار کرده.[۷] هم‌چنین او که در آنزمان عضو مجلس مؤسسان بود، در حمایت از سلطنت رضاخان نطق پرشوری در مجلس ایراد نمود.[۸] در آبان ۱۳۰۴، کاشانی به نمایندگی مجلس مؤسسین انتخاب شد. او در ۲۱ آذر، رأی به پایان حکومت قاجار و هم‌زمان پایه‌گذاری سلطنت رضاشاه رأی داد.[۹] پس از شهریور ۱۳۲۰ در ۲۵ شهریور ۱۳۲۰ محمدرضا شاه ۲۱ ساله، بر تخت سلطنت پدرش نشست. در ۱۶ مهر ۱۳۲۰، کاشانی به نخست‌وزیر محمدعلی فروغی شکایت کرد. او در نامه اش، بر لزوم تصویب «قوانین الهی» و انتقاد از جایگزینی تدریجی مدارس سنتی مذهبی با مدارس مدرن و همچنین رفتار غیرقابل قبول پلیس در آزار با زنان محجبه و روحانیون معمم را تأکید کرد.[۱۰] در این دوران هم‌زمان با اشغال ایران، انگلیسی‌ها از علی سهیلی، نخست‌وزیر وقت خواستند که ابوالقاسم کاشانی را که یکی از مخالفان سرسخت آن‌ها بود و لطمات شدیدی در عراق بر پیکر آن‌ها وارد کرده بود، تبعید کند. او متهم بود که با آلمان همدست و مرتبط است و در سازمانی عضو بود که با افسرهای اس اس آلمانی سروکار داشت. در بیانیه‌ای که توسط سفارت انگلیس در تهران بعد حمله به آنچه ستون پنجم آلمان‌ها نامیده بودند منتشر شد، کاشانی همراه با حبیب‌الله نوبختی به عنوان سردسته فعالان ضد انگلیسی معرفی شده بودند. نوبختی بنیان‌گذار «حزب کبود»، حزب سیاسی طرفدار فاشیسم بود که پایه‌های آن بر اتحاد با آلمان نازی هیتلر بود. بدین ترتیب سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی و ۱۶۴ نفر از افراد متنفذ لشکری و کشوری را که ممکن بود دردسری برای انگلیسی‌ها ایجاد کنند، به بهانه تشکیل ستون پنجم آلمان در ایران توقیف کردند و در بیمارستان پانصد تختخوابی تهران و اراک تحت‌الحفظ درآوردند. وقتی کاشانی از دستور توقیف خود آگاه شد تلگرافی به فرمانداری نظامی فرستاد و تسلیم شدن خود را موکول به شرایطی اعلام کرد، اما فرماندار نظامی از طریق درج آگهی در جراید به وی اخطار کرد که خودش را تسلیم کند. سرانجام وی در ۲۷ خرداد ۱۳۲۳ شمسی در گلاب دره شمیران دستگیر و بازداشت شد، سپس ۲۸ ماه در زندان نیروهای متفقین و نیروهای اشغالگر در رشت، اراک و کرمانشاه به سر برد. در دوره چهاردهم مجلس شورای ملی هم با اینکه در تبعید بود، به نمایندگی مجلس انتخاب شد. اما به دستور ستاد ارتش متفقین، اسمش از فهرست اسامی نمایندگان مجلس حذف و به زندان روس‌ها در رشت فرستاده شد. سال ۱۳۲۴ در تلگرافی که حکومت به کرمانشاه فرستاد، دستور آزادی کاشانی را صادر کرد. وی در میان استقبال مراجع، علما و اهالی قم در ۲۷ شهریور ۱۳۲۴ وارد این شهر و سپس به تهران عازم شد. این اولین باری (در سه بار دستگیری در طول زندگانی‌اش) بود که بین سال‌های ۱۹۴۴ تا ۱۹۵۰ زندان، حبس خانگی و تبعید می‌شد.[۱۱] در ۲۶ تیرماه ۱۳۲۵ در پی زد و خوردی که بین کارگران هوادار حزب توده و کارگران مخالف آن‌ها روی داد سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی که به عزم زیارت مشهد مقدس در سمنان اقامت داشت، مسبب بلوا شناخته شده و طبق ماده ۵ قانون حکومت نظامی، بین راه شاهرود و سبزوار بازداشت شد. ابتدا به بهجت‌آباد قزوین و سپس به کمره (خمین فعلی) تبعید شد.[۱۲] در این خصوص، دکتر مصدق در نامه مفصلی شدیداً به قوام‌السلطنه نخست‌وزیر اعتراض کرد. در دی ۱۳۲۵ وقتی انتخابات تهران شروع شد، میلیون فهرست نامزدهای خود را منتشر کردند. وقتی این فهرست منتشر شد، وی نامه‌ای از تبعیدگاه به محمد مصدق نوشت که همین نامه پیمان مودت و دوستی را بین این دو برقرار کرد. در آن دوران سیدمحمد بهبهانی در مجلس ترحیم سید ابوالحسن اصفهانی خواستار آزادی سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی از شاه شد. شاه نیز پذیرفت و به قوام‌السلطنه نخست‌وزیر دستور آزادی سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی را داد و نخست‌وزیر با عزیمت ایشان به قزوین موافقت کرد. پس از چندی به تقاضای اهالی ابهر به آن شهر رفت و از آنجا به قزوین و سپس به تهران عزیمت کرد.[۶] در همین ماه کاشانی به نمایندگی در دوره پانزدهم مجلس شورای ملی انتخاب شد. در فاصله زمانی بین شهریور تا بهمن ۱۳۲۴، کاشانی با طلبه جوانی به نام مجتبی میرلوحی (مشهور به نواب صفوی) ملاقات کرد. در این زمان، نواب صفوی طلبه جدیدالورود در نجف بود که دو فتوا برای قتل احمد کسروی داشت و به ایران برگشت تا مأموریتش را به انجام برساند. دو مجتهد ساکن در عراق، عبدالحسین امینی و سید حسین طباطبایی قمی، کسروی را مرتد و خون او را مباح کردند.[۱۳] در فاصله سال‌های ۱۳۲۴ تا ۱۳۳۰، پیوند محکمی بین این دو مرد برقرار بود. در این دوران، کاشانی مرجع تقلید فدائیان اسلام شد و فرمان‌هایش برای اعضا، التزام‌آور و غیرقابل رد شده بود. سازمان نواب صفوی، ۱۰ روز قبل از ترور کسروی، موجودیت و اهداف خود را در ۹ اسفند ۱۳۲۳ را اعلام کرد.[۱۴] در واکنش به تقسیم‌بندی فلسطین توسط سازمان ملل، تیم کاشانی-نواب صفوی فعالیت‌های سیاسی خود را با کمپین مبارزاتی برای اعراب فلسطین و در مقابل سیاست انگلیس و تجاوز یهود در منطقه آغاز کردند.[۱۵] کاشانی یازدهم دی ماه ۱۳۲۶ در اعلامیه‌ای به تمام مسلمین جهان در مورد تشکیل دولت اسرائیل هشدار داد. کاشانی همچنین مردم را به تظاهرات به نفع مردم فلسطین دعوت کرد. ۲۰ دی ماه سال ۱۳۲۶ سی هزار نفر از مردم تهران به دعوت ایشان در مسجد سلطانی اجتماع کردند، ولی دولت وقت که از فعالیت سیاسی و مذهبی ایشان بیمناک بود، با توسل به قوای انتظامی، از سخنرانی او در آن روز ممانعت کرد. او بار دیگر نیز در ۲۸ اردیبهشت سال بعد، اعلامیه‌ای صادر کرد و مردم را به اجتماع در روز جمعه ۳۱ اردیبهشت ۱۳۲۷ به همدردی با مسلمین فلسطین فراخواند. پیش از این اجتماع یعنی در ۲۵ خردادماه همان سال منزل ایشان به دستور عبدالحسین هژیر، نخست‌وزیر وقت محاصره شد. کاشانی در آذر ۱۳۲۷، با همکاری محمود شروین و شمس قنات آبادی «مجمع مسلمانان مجاهد» را پایه‌ریزی کرد.[۱۶][۱۷] پس از حادثه تیراندازی به شاه در ۱۵ بهمن ماه ۱۳۲۷ و معرفی سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی به عنوان عامل اصلی معرف این ترور، سرانجام در شب ۱۷ بهمن ماه ۱۳۲۷ طبق ماده ۵ قانون حکومت نظامی، کاشانی و دامادش را بازداشت و به قلعه فلک الافلاک خرم‌آباد منتقل و از آنجا به بیروت لبنان تبعید شد. با این حال کاشانی باز هم در انتخابات مجلس شورای ملی شرکت کرده و در ۲۱ فروردین ماه ۱۳۲۹، به نمایندگی مردم تهران را برای دوره شانزدهم انتخاب شد. در همان ماه وقتی که علی منصور به نخست‌وزیری رسید، سیدجلال‌الدین تهرانی به نیابت از منصور در روز ششم فروردین ماه به احمدآباد رفت و با مصدق ملاقات کرد. دکتر مصدق اولین تقاضایی که از دولت جدید کرد، مسئله بازگشت کاشانی به ایران بود. تهرانی تقاضای دکتر مصدق را به اطلاع نخست‌وزیر رساند و به فوریت منصور شخصاً دکتر مصدق را ملاقات کرد و قول صریح داد که در مورد بازگشت کاشانی با شاه ملاقات و محترمانه از ایشان تقاضای بازگشت به ایران را نماید. مجامع روحانی، جبهه ملی، بازار و اصناف هم در تلگراف‌های متعدد خواستار بازگشت وی به وطن شدند. سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی پس از یک سال و چهار ماه که در لبنان به سر می‌برد، در روز ۲۰ خردادماه ۱۳۲۹ بنا به دعوت و اصرار دولت در میان شور و هیجان و استقبال و تظاهرات پرشکوه مردم تهران، وارد فرودگاه مهرآباد شد، چنین استقبالی تا آن تاریخ بی‌سابقه بود. پس از انتخابات مجلس شانزدهم از تبعید بازگشت.[۶] مصدق و سران جبهه ملی برای استقبال او به فرودگاه رفتند. در روز ورود وی از فرودگاه تا محله او «پامنار»، ۲۷ طاق نصرت بسته شد. نهضت ملی شدن صنعت نفت کاشانی در موفقیت و همگانی شدن نهضت نقش عمده‌ای ایفا ساخت. موضع‌گیری کاشانی در مورد ملی شدن صنعت نفت، روحانیون به نام را به نفع آن برانگیخت. خوانساری، محلاتی و شاهرودی از جمله روحانیون دیگری بودند که به حمایت از ملی شدن صنعت نفت برخاستند. همچنین کاشانی، نقش فراوانی در به کنار زدن نخست‌وزیر، رزم آرا داشت. او ارتباطاتی تنگاتنگ با فداییان اسلام و نواب صفوی داشت. پس از رزم آرا، ملی شدن نفت در مجلس به تصویب رسید و چند ماه بعد، دکتر مصدق مأمور تشکیل کابینه شد. با نخست‌وزیری مصدق، کاشانی طی پیامی که برای او فرستاد، مصدق را «برادر لایق و دانای» خود نامید و خوشحالی زایدالوصف خود را از نخست‌وزیری مصدق این‌گونه ابراز کرد: «یا هو، جناب آقای دکتر مصدق، پس از استعلام از مزاج شریف نمی‌دانم چگونه زحمات و فداکاری‌های برادر کامکار و عزیزم را تقدیس کند. صبح وقتی نور چشمی آقا مصطفی خبرمسرت بخش رئیس‌الوزرایی حضرتعالی را آورد، من یقین حاصل کردم دعاها و التماس‌های این خادم اسلام در پیشگاه پروردگار قادر متعال اجابت شده‌است و پیروزی و سعادت از آن ملت گردیده‌است. در ختم کلام جز اینکه سعادت و سلامت و موفقیت برادر لایق و دانای خود را از پیشگاه احدیت مسئلت نمایم، توقع دیگری ندارم ایام به کام باد. سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی.»[۱۸] در ۲۱ آذر ماه ۱۳۳۰ سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی برای تأیید مصدق میتینگ بزرگی برپا ساخت، سخنرانان این اجتماع مخالفان دکتر مصدق را مورد انتقاد قرار دادند. در ۲۳ دی ماه ۱۳۳۰ جبهه ملی نامزدهای خود را برای انتخابات وکلای تهران معرفی کرد. سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی نیز در ۱۸ بهمن ماه همان سال به نمایندگی دوره هفدهم مجلس شورای ملی از حوزه تهران انتخاب شد.[۶] زمانی که دولت مصدق در مضیقه اقتصادی قرار گرفت و اقدام به فروختن اوراق قرضه عمومی‌کرد، کاشانی از مردم درخواست کرد تا نسبت به خرید اوراق قرضه ملی اقدام کنند. سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی در پیامی خطاب به مردم آن‌ها را به خرید اوراق تشویق کرد و گفت: «امروز است آن روزی که جهاد شما باید با بذل مال به عمل آید. خریداری اوراق قرضه بر ذمه آحاد ملت مسلمان است.» نهضت ملی‌شدن نفت دربار محمدرضا پهلوی ثریا اسفندیاری نخست‌وزیران احمد قوام محمد ساعد حاجیعلی رزم‌آرا حسین علاء محمد مصدق فضل‌الله زاهدی چهره‌های مهم محمد مصدق سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی غلامحسین صدیقی اصغر پارسا مظفر بقایی مجتبی نواب صفوی کریم سنجابی علی شایگان حسین مکی عباس خلیلی اللهیار صالح سرتیپ افشارطوس حسین فاطمی احمد زیرک‌زاده کاترین لمبتون خلیل ملکی اسدالله رشیدیان اسکندر آزموده شعبان جعفری نعمت‌الله نصیری شاپور ریپورتر کرمیت روزولت نورمن شوارتسکف سیدضیاءالدین طباطبائی احزاب و گروه‌ها سیا ام آی ۶ جبهه ملی ایران حزب پان ایرانیست حزب توده ایران حزب ملت ایران حزب ایران جمعیت آزادی مردم ایران حزب سومکا حزب دموکرات فدائیان اسلام شرکت نفت ایران و انگلیس وقایع مهم صنعت نفت ایران ایران جنگ جهانی دوم کمیسیون مخصوص نفت ملی شدن صنعت نفت قرارداد دارسی قرارداد ۱۹۳۳ قرارداد گس-گلشائیان قرارداد کنسرسیوم رویداد ۳۰ تیر ۱۳۳۱ رویداد ۹ اسفند ۱۳۳۱ انحلال مجلس کودتای ۲۸ مرداد نقطه عطف زندگی سیاسی کاشانی را می‌توان در ۳۰ تیر ۱۳۳۱ جستجو کرد. در رویداد ۳۰ تیر او با نخست‌وزیری قوام مخالفت کرد و با نامه‌ای به دربار خواستار ادامه نخست‌وزیری دکتر مصدق شد. استعفای مصدق و آمدن قوام السلطنه، ملت را برانگیخت و کاشانی ضمن دعوت مردم به راهپیمایی علیه دولت قوام، در روز ۳۰ تیر طی بیانیه‌ای اعلام کرد که اگر لازم شود کفن پوش راه می‌افتد. او در پیامی خطاب به شاه گفت: «به اعلی حضرت بگویید اگر بی‌درنگ دکتر مصدق بر سر کار بر نگردد شخصاً به خیابان خواهم رفت و دهانه تیز انقلاب را با جلوداری شخص خودم مستقیماً متوجه دربار خواهم کرد».[۱۹] به دنبال اولین اعلامیه مخالفت سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی با صدارت قوام، بازار تهران از ۲۶ تیر تعطیل شد. تظاهرات گسترده مردم به درگیری منجر شد و حداقل ۶۹ تن کشته و ۷۵۰ تن مجروح بر جای گذاشت. طرفداران مصدق، خیابان‌های تهران و دیگر شهرستان‌ها را قبضه کردند. حدود ظهر ۳۰ تیر ۱۳۳۱، شاه با تلفن به مهندس رضوی، نماینده کرمان و نایب رئیس مجلس، اعلام کرد قوام معزول شد. به این ترتیب سرانجام با قیام پیروزمندانه مردم به رهبری سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی در ظرف چند روز دولت قوام ساقط و در روز ۲۹ تیر ماه، دکتر مصدق پیروزمندانه بر مسند نخست‌وزیری ابقا شد.[۶] پس از ۳۰ تیر ۱۳۳۱ در روز دوم مردادماه، در جلسه فوق‌العاده‌ای که مجلس شورای ملی تشکیل داد، قیام سی‌ام تیر ماه را «قیام مقدس» شناخت و شهدای آن روز را شهدای ملی نامید. همچنین لایحه تفویض اختیارات شش‌ماهه به دکتر مصدق را که بلافاصله پس از عزل قوام مجدداً به نخست‌وزیری رسیده بود، تصویب کرد و توأم با این لایحه، اختیارات نظامی نیز به او واگذار شد و همچنین مجلس شورا، سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی را به جای دکتر حسن امامی که وابسته به دربار بود به ریاست مجلس برگزید.[۶] کاشانی پس از ۳۰ تیر که به ریاست مجلس هم رسیده بود به نوعی خود را در دولت شریک می‌دانست. عریضه‌نویسی و نامه نویسی‌های او در عزل و نصب مقامات کشوری و توصیه‌های گاه‌وبیگاه کاشانی، عرصه را برای بروز اختلافات بازتر و وسیعتر می‌نمود. بنا بر روایتی تا آخر آذرماه ۱۳۳۱، هزار و پانصد توصیه از کاشانی و فرزندانش در وزارتخانه‌ها جمع‌آوری شده بود.[۲۰] وزیر کشور مصدق نیز ۵۸ فقره از این توصیه نامه‌ها را که از صدور پرونده وکالت، اجازه دفتر ازدواج، استخراج معدن نمک و فرمانداری ماکو تا انتخابات خلخال و ریاست شهربانی کرج هست، تنظیم و چاپ نموده‌است.[۲۱] دراین باره گفته می‌شود که مصدق به کاشانی گفته بود: «آقا. توصیه این و آن را نفرمایید. در شان شما نیست و در جامعه هم انعکاس نامطلوب دارد و مورد سوءاستفاده قرار می‌گیرد. اگر نظرات اصولی دارید با دولت در میان بگذارید تا رفع مشکلات شود. اصلاً گیریم که این مسائل درست بوده. اینها در درجه دوم اهمیت است. آیا شما در خط اساسی نهضت ملی انحرافی می‌بینید؟ اگر هست بگویید اصلاح کنم و اگر نکردم بگویید از کارها کناره بگیر؛ و الا برای مسائل جزئی که نمی‌توانیم اختلاف داشته باشیم.» حسین فاطمی نیز نقل می‌کند: «دکتر مصدق هم به‌طور عجیب نسبت به این مسائل حساس بود و غالباً از مداخلات آقا و اطرافیانشان گله داشت و دو سه مرتبه هم کار به‌جاهای باریک کشید.»[۲۲] تایمز لندن مقاله‌ای دربارهٔ کاشانی نوشته بود و مجله خواندنیها آن را ترجمه کرده بود. در این مقاله کاریکاتوری از سر کاشانی روی تنه شیر چاپ شده و آمده بود که کاشانی آن چنان شخصیتی است که یک اشاره او نه تنها ایران که خاورمیانه را به اعتصاب می‌کشد. چند بیت شعر هم زیر کاریکاتور آمده بود. مصراع‌های اول این بود که استعمار چنین و چنان می‌کند و مصراع دوم بیت‌ها این بود: «شیر پامنار اگر بگذارد». این شماره مجله را به مقدار زیاد چاپ کرده بودند و مجله‌ها را کنار تشک حاج آقا گذاشته بودند و سیل جمعیتی که به دیدار حاج آقا می‌رفتند و دست آقا را می‌بوسیدند به دریافت یک نسخه مجله نائل می‌شدند و از زبان آقا می‌شنیدند که می‌گفت: «بیسواد. برو این مقاله رو بخون ببین چی نوشته.»[۲۳] هم‌چنین نقل است در اوج سر زدن این‌گونه رفتارها از کاشانی، یکی از مذهبیون به پیش او رفته بود تا نگرانی خود را از اختلاف در نهضت بیان کند. کاشانی به او گفته بود: «نگران نباشید. تا من هستم هر چوبی را که جای مصدق بگذارم کار او را خواهد کرد.»[۲۴] او دربارهٔ خود می‌گفت: «من سرمایه مملکت هستم. فقط رهبر مسلمین ایران نیستم، مرا همه مسلمانان جهان به رهبری قبول دارند.»[۲۵] از سوی دیگر حساسیت و رقابت یک طرفه‌ای که میان کاشانی و سید حسین طباطبایی بروجردی ایجاد شده بود، برای کاشانی که همواره می‌خواست خود را رهبر و زعیم مسلمانان جهان ببیند همواره تنش زا بود. وجود سید حسین طباطبایی بروجردی به‌مثابه مانعی همیشگی دربرابر کاشانی بود تا رؤیای رهبری هم‌زمان در دو جبهه سیاسی و دینی را اگر آرزویی محال نیابد، لااقل دور از دسترس بیند. هرچند که هر دوی این مراجع، در جریان سرنگونی مصدق، به شاه نزدیک بوده و از بازگشت او حمایت کردند. بنا به گفته داماد سید حسین طباطبایی بروجردی: «آقای کاشانی روی کاناپه نشسته بود. سلام کردم. آقای کاشانی گفت: علیکم‌السلام، کجا بودی، چه کار می‌کنی؟ دعوت کرد کنارش نشستم. گفت: بی سواد، لُره چه کار می‌کند؟ منظورش آقای بروجردی بود. اگر این را من به آقا منتقل می‌کردم دیگر خیلی بد می‌شد. به آقای کاشانی گفتم: آقا بزرگش نخوانند اهل خرد که نام بزرگان به زشتی برد. ایشان خیلی ناراحت شد و دیگر تا آخر مجلس با من حرف نزد.»[۲۶] رابطه کاشانی با دربار علینقی عالیخانی در خاطرات خود راجع به اختلافات میان کاشانی و مصدق می‌گوید: «تا ۳۰ تیر که در واقع می‌شود آخرین سال حکومت مصدق، کاشانی نفوذ چندانی نداشت. مردم هم به خاطر هیجان ملی شدن نفت این را پذیرفته بودند اما در ۳۰ تیر بود که کاشانی عامل خیلی مهمی شد، یعنی برگشتن او خیلی اثر گذاشت که مردم بریزند توی خیابان‌ها؛ البته اعضای حزب توده هم به خیابان‌ها ریختند ولی کافی نبود. کاشانی مردم را ریخت توی خیابان‌ها. این است که از آن به بعد کاشانی قدرت گرفت ولی دومرتبه میانه کاشانی و مصدق به هم خورد. مصدق یکی دوماه اول این جریان را تحمل کرد، بعد دومرتبه کاشانی را کنار گذاشت و بعد هم میانه‌شان به کلی به هم خورد. دومرتبه کاشانی رفت با دربار ساخت؛ به همین دلیل هم بعد از ۲۸ مرداد ۱۳۳۲، از طرف دربار با کاشانی خیلی با احترام رفتار می‌شد و وقتی هم بیمار شد، خیلی حواسشان به این بود که هر دکتری مایل است در اختیارش باشد، یعنی رابطه خوبی با آن‌ها نگه داشته بود.»[۲۷] درگیری با مصدق بر سر اختیارات ویژه و همه‌پرسی پس از درخواست تمدید اختیارات، کاشانی به مبارزه علنی با مصدق پرداخت و ضمن مخالفت با تمدید قرارداد آن را «جاه طلبانه» و مصدق را پنهان در پشت نقاب تزویر و آزادی‌خواهی «،» مستبدی که می‌خواهد به‌دوران قبل از مشروطه برگردد «شر خودسر»، «یاغی طاغی» و «کسی که به خیال خداوندگاری افتاده‌است» خواند: «ملت ایران، من از پشت نقاب تزویر و آزادیخواهی ناگهان دریافتم که به زودی فکر ناپاک دیکتاتوری سیل خودسری از دامنه هوی و هوس خویش سرازیر نموده و قصد دارد نهال آزادی و مشروطیت ایران را از بن بر کَند. فریاد آزادی ایران که ۵۰ سال شب و روز این خیال شوم اسارت ایران را در مغز خویش پرورش داده بود در سر راه خود مانعی را دید که نه تنها به هیچ قیمت در مقابل افکار مالیخولیایی او تسلیم نمی‌شد بلکه او را تخدیر و تضیع نمود بر احدی پوشیده نیست که رئیس دولت بر خلاف قانون اساسی در صدد است ایران را به حکومت استبداد بازگرداند ولی من به شما می‌گویم بر خلاف آن یاغی طاغی که در کشور مشروطه ایران به خیال خداوندگاری افتاده‌است، مشروطه ایران نخواهد مرد. روح پاک پیغمبر اسلام اجازه نخواهد داد ملتی مسلمان و مستقل با چنین افکار پست و اهریمنی تسلیم بیگانگان شود و آن شّر خودسر که در راه بد کاری و خیال ایجاد دیکتاتوری قدم بگذارد محکوم به شکست و تسلیم چوبه دار خواهد شد.»[۲۸] کاشانی طی اعلامیه دیگری به سختی به مصدق حمله کرد و او را کسی خواند که «هرچه کرده به مصلحت و نفع اجانب بوده‌است»: «ملت غیور ایران اکنون ۲۸ ماه است که ایشان زمامدار است و در تمام این مدت یک قدم مفید به حال شما که بتواند اسم آن را ببرد برنداشتند. هر روز وعده‌های بزرگ می‌دهد و فردا عذر می‌آورد. ساعت به ساعت راه را برای تحکیم دیکتاتوری و حکومت فردی و خودسری هموار ساخته‌است. مصدق خوب می‌داند اگر با آزادی به رای ملت رجوع کند ۹۷ درصد مردم علیه او رای می‌دهند. شما هموطنان عزیز می‌بینید که تا امروز چه کسی به نفع اجانب قدم برداشته و آنچه تا امروز کرده مستقیماً به مصلحت اجنبی و زیان مملکت بوده‌است.»[۲۹] او هم‌چنین شاه را «مرد تربیت شده عاقل»[۳۰] و «مردی معقول تحصیل کرده و با تحصیلات»[۳۱] خواند وگفت: «عقیده من این است که ایران سالیان دراز حساسیت سلطنت دارد و فی‌الحقیقته وجود شاه یک جهت جامعی برای جمع‌آوری کلیه طبقات مردم به‌دور این مرکز ثابت است.»[۳۲] کاشانی پس از کودتا نیز در مصاحبه‌ای گفت: «ریاست مجلس در شان من نبود و من از این جهت این مقام را پذیرفتم که جلو فعالیت‌هایی که مصدق می‌خواست شروع کند و یک سال بعد شروع کرد بگیرم.»[۳۳] کاشانی با همه‌پرسی دکتر مصدق شدیداً به مخالفت برخاست و گفت: «شرکت در رفراندوم خانه برانداز که با نقشه اجانب طرح‌ریزی شده، مغضوب حضرت ولی عصر عجل‌الله تعالی فرجه و حرام است.»[۳۴] البته مردم در انتخابات شرکت کردند و با اکثریت آرا رأی به انحلال مجلس دادند. کاشانی و زاهدی درحالی که دولت مصدق حکم جلب سرلشکر زاهدی، متهم اصلی پرونده قتل افشارطوس، را صادر کرده بود، کاشانی وارد قضیه شد و به‌وسیله میراشرافی او را به مجلس آورد و در معیت خویش نشاند. به نوشته روزنامه کیهان زاهدی که در پناه کاشانی و مجلس مصونیتی سیاسی می‌یافت، در آنجا متحصن شد و «سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی از او به گرمی استقبال نمود و از مزاحمت‌هایی که تاکنون برای وی فراهم شده اظهار تاسف کرده و خدمات او به نهضت ملی را ستود.»[۳۵] ابوالقاسم کاشانی و مظفر بقایی در مجلس شورای ملی کاشانی در مجلس با زاهدی روبوسی کرد، او را در اتاق هیئت رئیسه سکنی داد و به او گفت که تا هر وقت که می‌خواهد در مجلس باشد هم‌چنین به کارکنان مجلس دستور داد تااز این «مهمان عزیز»[۳۶] پذیرایی کنند چرا که ایشان در اینجا «حق آب و گل دارند».[۳۷] کاشانی که پیشتر از زاهدی با عنوان کسی که «با ما دوست هستند و ما هم با ایشان کمال دوستی را داریم.» یاد کرده بود، در روزهای کودتا صمیمیتی دوچندان با وی یافت. زاهدی دو ماه و نیم در مجلس ماند و با استفاده از مصونیت ایجاد شده با فراغ بال سرگرم رایزنی با مخالفان مصدق و هماهنگی برای اجرای کودتا شد. در ۲۵ خرداد ۱۳۳۲ نیز ملاقاتی میان کاشانی و زاهدی انجام شد. در این ملاقات که حدود ۴۵ دقیقه طول کشید و مظفر بقایی، میراشرافی و حمیدیه نیز در آن حضور داشتند، «سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی حمایت بی‌دریغ خود را از ایشان و سایر کسانی که جانشان به‌علت مبارزه با دیکتاتوری مصدق در خطر است ابراز داشتند.»[۳۸] فضل‌الله زاهدی تا ۲۹ تیر در مجلس بود و بعد از آن مجلس را ترک کرد و تا کودتای ۲۸ مرداد در خفا به سر می‌برد. سرلشکر نادر باتمانقلیچ از افسران کودتاچی که پس از ۲۸ مرداد به سمت ریاست ستاد ارتش رسید، در جریان محاکماتش پس از انقلاب ۱۳۵۷ به نقش سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی اشاره‌ای کرد و گفت: «در اوایل سال ۳۲ به خدمت سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی مشرف شدم، حضرت از جریان سیاسی کشور متأثر بودند و دعا می‌کردند که مملکت نجات پیدا کند و به من گفتند تلاش کنید مملکت از این وضع نجات پیدا کند. پس از کودتای ۲۸ مرداد وقتی رئیس ستاد شدم با فرزند سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی تماس گرفتم و جریان را به او گفتم و نظر آیت‌الله را خواستم. آقا مصطفی از قول سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی گفتند چه بهتر که شما را انتخاب کردند. در اوایل شهریور ۳۲ وقتی خدمت کاشانی شرفیاب شدم ایشان مرا به گرمی پذیرفتند و نسخه‌ای از فرمان حضرت علی به من دادند و فرمودند این دستورها را نصب العین قرار دهید.»[۳۹] آن طور که از شواهد و قرائن برمی آید، کرمیت روزولت مقدار ۱۰/۰۰۰ دلار در پاکت گذاشته و داده‌است تا از طریق احمد آرامش به‌دست کاشانی برسد برای همکاری در کودتا. مارک گازیوروسکی می‌نویسد: «صبح روز ۱۹ اوت (۲۸ مرداد) دو تن از مأمورین سیا به نام‌های بیل هرمن و فرد زیمرمن با آرامش ملاقات کردند و مبلغ ۱۰ هزار دلار در اختیار او گذاشتند تا به کاشانی بدهد. چنین به‌نظر می‌آید که کاشانی ترتیب آن را داد که یک گروه ضد مصدق از ناحیه بازار به مرکز تهران روانه شود.»[۴۰] با اینحال این استاد تاریخ می‌افزاید که معلوم نیست پول به کاشانی رسیده یا اگر هم رسیده، او خبر داشته که دلارها را سیا فرستاده بوده.[۴۱] این عکس در شماره ۱۹ مجله ترقی به تاریخ مهر ۱۳۳۲ (کمتر از ۲ ماه پس از کودتا) منتشر شده‌است: ۱-حسین علم ۲-طاهر حاج رضایی ۳-شعبان جعفری ۴-حسین مهدی قصاب ۵-طیب حاج رضایی ۶-اکبر حاج رضایی ۷-سید اکبر خراط قول مهندس حسیبی زاویه‌ای دیگر از رابطه پنهانی کاشانی و آمریکایی‌ها را در فروپاشی دولت ملی دکتر مصدق می‌نماید: «هندرسون قبل از این که روز ۲۷ مرداد به خانهٔ مصدق بیاید خانهٔ کاشانی بوده‌است.»[۴۲] یرواند آبراهامیان معتقد است که آمریکایی‌ها برای تضعیف مصدق به کاشانی نزدیک شدند و به اختلافاتش با مصدق دامن زدند ولی به احتمال زیاد در لحظه آخر از او استفاده نکردند. او می‌گوید: «من خیلی تردید دارم که کاشانی در کودتا شرکت داشته باشد، نه برای این که با طرح کودتا مخالف بوده بلکه به این خاطر که بریتانیایی‌ها و آمریکایی‌ها آنقدر به کاشانی اعتماد نداشتند که بخواهند او را وارد جوانب فنی طرح کودتا بکنند.»[۴۳] کاشانی روی کار آمدن دولت کودتا را «سبب مسرت» دانست و ضمن تبریک به زاهدی گفت: «جای مسرت است که دولت جناب آقای زاهدی که خود یکی از طرفداران جبهه ملی بوده، تصمیم دارند که شرافتمندانه از حیثیت و آبروی ایران دفاع نموده و در راه صلاح و افق ملت حداکثر فداکاری را بنمایند.»[۴۴] کاشانی هم‌چنین در مصاحبه باروزنامهٔ المصری گفت: «من از ژنرال زاهدی مادام که به منفعت ایران قدم برمی‌دارد پشتیبانی می‌کنم … هر وقت که نظرم برسد او بر خلاف مصلحت ایران عمل می‌کند با او مخالفت می‌کنم. تا این لحظه راجع به کار او نمی‌توان قضاوت کرد.»[۴۵] دو روز پس از کودتا نیز کاشانی و زاهدی با یک‌دیگر در منزل آقای مقدم در دزاشیب ملاقات کردند.[۴۶] این ملاقات‌ها تا مدتی ادامه داشت. جریان دیدارهای ۳۱ شهریور، ۱۸ مهر، ۲ آبان و ۲۳ آذر سال ۱۳۳۲ در مطبوعات آن دوره درج گشته‌اند. نامه منسوب به کاشانی در روز پیش از کودتا گفته می‌شود کاشانی در روز ۲۷ مرداد ۱۳۳۲، یک روز قبل از کودتای ۲۸ مرداد، طی نامه‌ای خطاب به محمد مصدق، خبر از وقوع یک کودتا می‌دهد. کاشانی در این نامه که برای نخستین بار در زمان سال ۱۳۵۷ در رساله‌ای به نام روحانیت و اسرار فاش نشده نهضت ملی شدن نفت (به کوشش گروهی از هواداران نهضت اسلامی در اروپا) نشر یافت و بعد از انقلا نیر در سایر اسناد گسترش یافت:[۴۷] {{گفتاورد «حضرت نخست‌وزیر معظم جناب آقای دکتر مصدق دام اقباله عرض می‌شود، اگر چه امکاناتی برای عرایضم نمانده ولی صلاح دین و ملت برای این خادم اسلام بالاتر از احساسات شخصی است و علی‌رغم غرض‌ورزی‌ها و بوق و کرنای تبلیغات شما، خودتان بهتر از هر کس می‌دانید که همِّ و غم در نگهداری دولت جنابعالی است، که خودتان به بقاء آن مایل نیستید. از تجربیات روی کار آمدن قوام و لجبازی‌های اخیر بر من مسلم است که می‌خواهید مانند سی‌ام تیر کذایی یک بار دیگر ملت را تنها گذاشته و قهرمانانه بروید. حرف این جانب را در خصوص اصرارم در عدم اجرای رفراندوم نشنیدید و مرا لکه حیض کردید. خانه‌ام را سنگباران و یاران و فرزندانم را زندانی فرمودید و مجلس را که ترس داشتید شما را ببرد بستید و حالا نه مجلسی است و نه تکیه‌گاهی برای این ملت گذاشته‌اید. زاهدی را که من با زحمت در مجلس تحت‌نظر و قابل کنترل نگاه داشته بودم با لطایف‌الحیل خارج کردید و حالا همان‌طور که واضح بوده درصدد به اصطلاح کودتا است. اگر نقشه شما نیست که مانند سی‌ام تیر عقب‌نشینی کنید و به ظاهر قهرمان زمان بمانید، و اگر حدس و نظر من صحیح نیست که همان‌طور که در آخرین ملاقاتم در دزاشیب به شما گفتم و به هندرسن هم گوشزد کردم که آمریکا ما را درگرفتن نفت از انگلیسی‌ها کمک کرد و حالا به صورت ملی و دنیاپسندی می‌خواهد به دست جنابعالی این ثروت ما را به چنگ آورد؛ و اگر واقعاً با دیپلماسی نمی‌خواهید کنار بروید، این نامه من سندی در تاریخ ملت ایران خواهد بود، که من شما را با وجود همه بدی‌های خصوصی‌تان نسبت به خودم از وقوع حتمی یک کودتا به وسیله زاهدی که مطابق با نقشه خود شماست آگاه کردم، که فردا جای هیچ‌گونه عذر موجهی نباشد. اگر به راستی در این فکر اشتباه می‌کنم با اظهار تمایل شما، سیدمصطفی و ناصرخان قشقایی را برای مذاکره خدمت می‌فرستم، خدا به همه رحم بفرماید. ایام به کام باد. «سیدابوالقاسم کاشانی/ ۲۷ مرداد ۱۳۳۲»[۴۸][۴۹][۵۰][۵۱] برخی از محققین و سند شناسان تاریخ ماصر مانندنصرالله حدادی،[۵۲] ایرج افشار و مهدی مهدوی،[۵۳] غلامرضا نجاتی، کاوه بیات[۵۴] همایون کاتوزیان[۵۵] نسبت به اصالت این نامه ابراز تردید کرده و انر ا جعلی دانسته‌اند. بنا به نظر این محققین مواردی مانند عدم حضور ناصر خان قشقائی، فونت و نوع چاپ، تفاوت دست خط و عدم شماره شدن پاسخ مصدق[۵۶] از جمله دلایل جعلی بودن این نامه است. نظرات کاشانی نسبت به مصدق پس از کودتا او در پاسخ به سؤال اخبار الیوم مبنی بر اینکه به‌نظر شما بزرگ‌ترین اشتباه مصدق کدام است؟ گفت: «پایمال کردن قانون اساسی و و عدم اطاعت از اوامر شاه».[۵۷] او هم‌چنین اشتباه بزرگ مصدق را تلاش برای برقراری جمهوریت شمرد و گفت: «مصدق برای برقراری جمهوریت می‌کوشید. او شاه را مجبور کرد ایران را ترک کند؛ اما شاه با عزت و محبوبیت چند روز بعد برگشت. ملت شاه را دوست دارد.»[۵۸] آیت الله سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی پس از کودتای ۲۸ مرداد ۱۳۳۲ کاشانی در جواب روزنامهٔ المصری که پرسیده بود آیا عقیده دارید مصدق مستحق همین سرنوشتی بود که به او رسید؟ گفت: «خداوند عادل است و آنچه امروز بر مصدق گذشته‌است نتیجهٔ عدل خداوندی است.»[۴۵] او هم‌چنین در مصاحبه با اخبارالیوم مصدق را به مرگ محکوم کرد: «این مصدق راه را گم کرده و مستحق چنین عاقبتی بوده‌است. تمام هم و غم او این شده بود که مردم فریاد بزنند زنده باد مصدق. مصدق به من و کشورش خیانت کرد. طبق شرع شریف اسلامی مجازات کسی که در فرماندهی و نمایندگی کشورش خیانت کند مرگ است.»[۵۹] کاشانی نه تنها تمامی زحمات دکتر مصدق را به زیر سؤال برد، که پا را فراتر گذاشته او را به داشتن جنون متهم کرد: «مصدق برای کشور کاری نکرد. نه یک خرابی را تعمیر کرد نه خیابانی را افتتاح کرد نه خزانه را نجات داد و نه ملت را متحد ساخت. حتی در مورد نفت که او ادعا داشت صاحب فکر ملی ساختن می‌باشد اگر این اتحادی که من در صفوف ملت به وجود آوردم نبود هرگز ملی نمی‌شد. او خیانت کرد. به من و کشور خیانت کرد. قبل از اینکه من با مصدق مخالفت کنم، ملت با او بود ولی پس از اینکه من با او مخالفت کردم ملت از دور او پراکنده شدند.»[۶۰] «مقام و کرسی صدارت مصدق را مسحور کرده بود. او دستخوش نوعی جنون شده بود.»[۶۱] پس از کودتا کاشانی در دوران زاهدی به مرور خانه‌نشین شده و لب به شکایت گشوده و گفت: «آزادی جز برای عمال انگلیس نیست. مطبوعات و نشریات ملی هیچگونه اظهار عقیده ندارند و همه توقیف‌اند. بسیاری از مِلّیون و آزادیخواهان متدین در زندان‌ها به‌سر می‌برند. این اختیارات را چه کسی به آقای زاهدی داده که این دیکتاتوری شدید و قرون وسطایی را با مردم شریف ایران می‌نماید؟»[۶۲] «حیف که رادیو در اختیار من نیست که از افکار مردم و احساسات پاک این ملت استفاده کنم.»[۶۳] سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی همچنین علیه انعقاد کنسرسیوم اعلامیه شدیداللحنی داد، به جرم «تحریص مردم به مسلح شدن بر ضد قدرت سلطنت» در هشتاد سالگی بازداشت شد. بامداد روز سه‌شنبه ۲۳ آبان ۱۳۳۴، اعلام شد که سیدمصطفی کاشانی، نماینده مجلس هفدهم و فرزند سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی درگذشت. جلسه مجلس به احترام او تعطیل شد. دوستان وی به پزشک قانونی هجوم بردند تا از علت این درگذشت ناگهانی آگاه شوند. دو روز بعد در مسجد سلطانی مجلس ختمی از طرف سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی ترتیب داده شد. در این مجلس حسین علاء، نخست‌وزیر هم شرکت کرد، اما مورد سوء قصد از طرف فدائیان اسلام قرار گرفت، این سوءقصد به نتیجه نرسید. حکومت که به دنبال بهانه برای دستگیری فدائیان اسلام بود، از این موقعیت حداکثر استفاده را برد و از فردای آن روز به دستگیری سران این گروه پرداخت و با سرعت فراوان در دادگاه‌های نظامی و تجدیدنظر، محاکمه آنان خاتمه یافت. در تاریخ ۲۷ دی ۱۳۳۴، چهار تن از سران فدائیان اسلام، نواب صفوی، خلیل طهماسبی، مظفرعلی ذوالقدر و سیدمحمد واحدی تیرباران و عده‌ای دیگر هم به زندان محکوم گردیدند. روز بعد از اعدام نواب صفوی و یارانش، پنجشنبه ۲۸ دی ماه سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی در به جرم دخالت در قتل رزم آرا احضار و پس از سه ساعت بازجویی توقیف شد.[۶] در رابطه با دستگیری کاشانی روزنامه کیهان مورخ ۱۷ دی ۱۳۳۴ چنین نوشت: "آیت الله بهبهانی طی عریضه‌ای به حضور ملوکانه در مورد احضار سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی به دادرسی ارتش وساطت کرده‌اند که امر فرمایند از احضار سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی به دادرسی ارتش صرفنظر گردد که وقعی گذارده نشد، اما ایشان پس از دستگیری در روز چهارشنبه ۱۰ دی ۱۳۳۴ جهت ادای توضیحات دربارهٔ قتل رزم آرا به دادرسی ارتش، احضار و پس از اولین بازجویی که در ساعت ۷:۳۰ دقیقه با حضور سرلشکر آزموده و سرتیپ کیهان خدیو و سروان شاداب شروع شد و ذیل حکم بازداشت خود را که به امضای سه نفر مذکور بود با نوشتن "رؤیت شد" امضا و به نوشته روزنامه کیهان، در اتاق مجاور زندان دکتر مصدق در لشکر زرهی زندانی شد." در ۲۸ دی ۱۳۳۴ سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی به سرلشکر آزموده چنین نوشت: «تیمسار آزموده، پس از سلام، روز گذشته چون سؤالات و جواب‌های اینجانب، نقطه ضعفی نداشته و این که جنابعالی و آقای تیمسار کیهان خدیو، قرار بازداشت را مرقوم داشتند و اینجانب اعتراضی ننمودم فعلاً زحمت می‌دهم قرار بازداشت هیچ گونه موجبی ندارد و معترض هستم.» هیئت دادرسان دادگاه عادی شماره ۲ دادرسی ارتش در تاریخ شنبه ۳۰ دی خارج از نوبت جلسه‌ای تشکیل داده و اعتراض سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی را وارد ندانستند. روز سه‌شنبه ۳ بهمن، حائری‌زاده اعلام تحصن در مجلس کرد و گفت که تا زمانی که تکلیف پرونده قتل رزم‌آرا روشن نشده در تحصن باقی خواهد ماند. از سوی مقامات روحانی تلاش فراوانی برای نجات سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی آغاز شد، بنا بر نوشته روزنامه اطلاعات در روز سوم بهمن ۱۳۳۴، آیت‌الله بروجردی به وسیله قائم‌مقام‌الملک از شاه در مورد سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی خواستار بذل توجه شد و شاه نیز پاسخ داده بود که تا آن حدود که قانون و مقررات در وظایف سلطنت مقرر داشته برای تأمین نظر حضرت آیت‌الله اقدام خواهد شد. جنجال این جریان به مجلس کشیده شد و بین سرلشکر وثوق وزیر جنگ و حائری‌زاده درگیری شدیدی به وجود آمد. سرانجام در ۲۳ اسفندماه سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی، دکتر بقایی، محمود نریمان، کریم‌آبادی و هشت نفر دیگر از متهمان به معاونت در قتل سپهبد رزم‌آرا با قید التزام که از حوزه قضایی تهران خارج نشوند، آزاد شدند و موضوع، موقتاً از صورت حادی که داشت، خارج شد.[۶] شاگردان محمد صادقی تهرانی.[۶۴].. . مرگ قبر ابوالقاسم کاشانی در مهر ۱۳۴۰، کاشانی به بیماری پروستات مبتلا شد و در بیمارستان بستری شد. خانواده او، با مشورت با دولت، تصمیمی گرفتند او را به آلمان بفرستند. بلافاصله، تصمیم گرفته شد که به جای آن یکی از بهترین پزشک‌های فرانسوی به تهران آورده شود. پس از معاینه بیمار، دکتر تصمیم گرفته که به عمل جراحی نیازی نیست. چند ماه بعدتر، کاشانی دوباره بیمار شد، ولی این بار به بیماری حاد برونشیت مبتلا گشت. شاه او را در خانه‌اش ملاقات کرد. در ۲۳ اسفند ۱۳۴۰ کاشانی درگذشت. در مراسم تشییع جنازه‌اش، علاوه بر عامه مردم، سیاستمداران و روحانیون بسیاری شرکت کردند. پیکر وی در رواق کاشانی نزدیک حرم شاه عبدالعظیم دفن شد.[۶۵][۶۶] جستارهای وابسته مجتهدان مبارز پانویس  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  منابع دربارهٔ زندگی کاشانی به‌طور گسترده به دو محدوده قبل از انقلاب (۱۳۵۷) و بعد از انقلاب تقسیم می‌شوند. منابع در دوره پیشین، به نظر می‌رسند کمتر به اغراق گویی دچار شده‌اند و موثقتر هستند؛ که شامل مصاحبه او با خسروشاهی و نوشته‌های دربارهٔ کاشانی در زندگی‌نامه‌های علما و دیگر اسناد مثل شرح مذاکرات مجلس یا سخنرانی‌هایش می‌شود. پژوهش‌های عمده دربارهٔ کاشانی در دوران بعد از انقلاب نوشته شده که در آن نمایی تحسین و تمجید شده کشیده شده‌است که باید با هشیاری با منابع و اسناد موثق قبل انقلاب، آزموده شود.  «زندگی‌نامه آیت الله کاشانی». مرکز اسناد انقلاب اسلامی. بایگانی‌شده از اصلی در ۴ اکتبر ۲۰۱۶. دریافت‌شده در ۲۰ سپتامبر ۲۰۱۶.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  «تاریخ ایرانی». tarikhirani.ir. دریافت‌شده در ۲۰۱۶-۰۹-۱۸.  مصدق و تاریخ، بهرام افراسیابی، انتشارات نیلوفر، چاپ اول، تابستان ۱۳۶۰، ص۳۹۶  تاریخ بیست ساله ایران. حسین مکی. جلد سوم  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  Rahnema، KĀŠĀNI, SAYYED ABU’L-QĀSEM، 640-647.  «Fars News Agency: جمعیت فداییان اسلام» و «مجمع مسلمانان مجاهد»». www.farsnews.com. دریافت‌شده در ۲۰۱۶-۰۹-۲۰.  قلم و سیاست، محمد علی سفری، نشر نامک، چاپ دوم، ۱۳۸۰، ص ۸۰۵  روزنامه باختر امروز، ۲۹ / ۴ / ۱۳۳۱  روزنامه داد، ۲۶ آذر ۱۳۳۱  تاریخ و فرهنگ معاصر، شماره ۶و۷، صص ۳۴۰–۳۴۲  (همان، صص ۳۶۷–۳۶۸)  مصدق و تاریخ، ص۳۳۳  مصدق و تاریخ، ص ۳۳۴  کیهان، ۲ تیر ۱۳۳۲  گفتگو با آیت‌الله محمدحسین علوی طباطبایی، داماد آیت‌الله بروجردی، روزنامه شرق، سه شنبه، ۲۹ فروردین ۱۳۸۵  حسین دهباشی (۱۳۹۳ ص ۲۳)، اقتصاد و امنیت (خاطرات دکتر علینقی عالیخانی)، تهران: سازمان اسناد و کتابخانه ملی ایران تاریخ وارد شده در |سال= را بررسی کنید (کمک)  کیهان، ۱۵ تیر ۳۲  اعلامیه ۸ مرداد ۱۳۳۲، مجموعه‌ای از مکتوبات، سخنرانی‌ها و پیام‌های آیت‌الله کاشانی، به کوشش م. دهنوی] محمد ترکمان[، انتشارات چاپخش، ج ۳، ص ۴۱۱ – ۴۰۷  روزنامه اطلاعات، ۱۰ فروردین ۳۲  مجله خواندنیها، ۱۵ فروردین ۱۳۳۲  کیهان، ۸ فروردین ۳۲  کیهان، ۳ شهریور ۱۳۳۲  اطلاعات، ۱۰ مرداد ۱۳۳۲  کیهان، ۱۴/۲/۱۳۳۲  کاشانی به اتفاق ۱۵ نفر از نمایندگان به دیدن سرلشکر زاهدی رفت و اظهار داشت: «شما مهمان مجلس می‌باشید و به‌علاوه مورد احترام همه آقایان بوده و هستید و از مزاحمت‌هایی که تاکنون برای شما ایجاد شده متاسفم چون من خدمات شما را به نهضت ملی ایران فراموش نکرده‌ام و امیدوارم بتوانید به خمات بیشتری نائل شوید. اینجا هم‌خانه ملت است و شما می‌توانید تا هر وقت که بخواهید باشید.» (کیهان، ۱۵ اردیبهشت ۱۳۳۲) هم‌چنین نگاه کنید به مصدق و مبارزه برای قدرت در ایران، محمد علی همایون کاتوزیان، ترجمه فرزانه طاهری، نشر مرکز، چاپ اول، اسفند ۱۳۷۲، ص ۲۱۲.  کاشانی خطاب به رئیس بازرسی مجلس گفت: «مادام که تیمسار در اینجا تشریف دارند شما از میهمان عزیز ما مواظبت کنید. زیرا ایشان در اینجا حق آب و گل دارند.» (اطلاعات، ۱۵ اردیبهشت ۱۳۳۲)  روزنامه نبرد ملت، ۲۸ خرداد ۱۳۳۲  روزنامه انقلاب اسلامی، ۲۵ آذر ۵۹  مارک گازیوروسکی، کودتای اوت ۱۹۵۳، بخش علوم سیاسی دانشگاه ایالتی لویزیانا ۱۹۸۷، ترجمه غلامرضا نجاتی، شرکت انتشار، ص ۳۷؛ هم‌چنین مصدق؛ سالهای مبارزه و مقاومت، ج۲، ص ۱۱۸  کودتای ۲۸ مرداد: نقش کاشانی به روایت اسناد آمریکا کامبیز فتاحی بی‌بی‌سی- واشینگتن 22 ژوئیه 2017 - 31 تیر 1396 "هنوز سندی که ثابت کند کاشانی از آمریکایی‌ها پول گرفته منتشر نشده."  رودخانه خروشان عشق، زندگی و زمانه دکتر سید حسین فاطمی، محمود حکیمی، انتشارات قلم، ۱۳۸۱، صفحهٔ ۱۵۵  کودتای ۲۸ مرداد: نقش کاشانی به روایت اسناد آمریکا کامبیز فتاحی بی‌بی‌سی- واشینگتن 22 ژوئیه 2017 - 31 تیر 1396  کیهان، ۱۲ آبان ۱۳۳۲  کیهان، ۱۷ شهریور ۱۳۳۲  روزنامه آتش، ۳۱ مرداد ۱۳۳۲  "سند/نامه آیت الله کاشانی به دکتر مصدق دربارهٔ خطر وقوع کودتا". مرکز اسناد انقلاب اسلامی. مرکز اسناد انقلاب اسلامی.[پیوند مرده]  «بازخوانی نامه آیت الله کاشانی به مصدق در 27 مرداد 32 + سند». مرکز اسناد انقلاب اسلامی. بایگانی‌شده از اصلی در ۲۰ اوت ۲۰۱۶. دریافت‌شده در ۳۰ مرداد ۱۳۹۵.  «نامه آیت الله کاشانی به مصدق در 27 مرداد 32 +سند». پایگاه اطلاع‌رسانی رجا. ۲۷ مرداد ۱۳۹۵. دریافت‌شده در ۳۰ مرداد ۱۳۹۵.  «سندشناسی نامهٔ آیت الله کاشانی به دکتر مصدق». مرکز بررسی‌های اسلامی. دریافت‌شده در ۳۰ مرداد ۱۳۹۵.  جهان کتاب (شهریور- مهر ۱۳۸۸) نقدی از کاوه بیات بر کتاب «نهضت ملی شدن صنعت نفت ایران از نگاهی دیگر»  س ـ حسام ایران مهر، شماره 2 شهریور 1382، ان «نامة آیت الله کاشانی به مصدق در باب کودتای 28 مرداد؟»  کیهان، ۱۷ شهریور ۳۲  مصاحبه با روزنامه المصری، کیهان ۱۷ شهریور ۱۳۳۲  کیهان، ۲۳ شهریور ۱۳۳۲  مصاحبه با خبرنگار اخبار الیوم، کیهان ۲۳ شهریور ۱۳۳۲  مصاحبه با خبرنگار اخبار الیوم، کیهان، ۲۳ شهریور۱۳۳۲  مجموعه‌ای از مکتوبات و سخنرانی‌های آیت‌الله کاشانی، ج۳، ص ۱۱۲–۱۱۱  کیهان، ۱۴ آذر ۳۲. هم‌چنین مصدق سالهای مبارزه و مقاومت، ج۲، ص ۴۷۴  صادقی تهرانی، محمد، فقه گویا، زندگی‌نامه مؤلف، ص ۱۱۴  Milani (۲۰۰۸). seyyed abolqasem kashani. ص. ۳۴۹.  سلمانی آرانی، حبیب‌الله (۱۳۹۳). امین امامت حضرت عبدالعظیم. تهران: سرمایه سخن. شابک ۹۷۸-۶۰۰-۹۳۶۴۸-۷-۹. منابع Sayyed Abu’l-Qāsem Kāšāni (Persian: سید ابوالقاسم کاشانی‎; November 19, 1882 – March 14, 1962) was an Iranian politician and Shia Marja. A politically influential Ayatollah Kashani, a collaborator in the 1953 coup d'état and the future leader of the Islamic Revolution. Contents 1 Early life 2 Later life 2.1 Personal life 2.2 Political life 3 References Early life His father, Ayatollah Hajj Seyyed Mostafavi Kashani (Persian: آیت‌الله حاج سید مصطفوی کاشانی‎), was a noted clergyman of Shiism in his time. Abol-Ghasem was trained in Shia Islam by his religious parents and began study of the Quran soon after learning to read and write. At 16, Abol-Ghasem went to an Islamic seminary to study literature, Arabic language, logic, semantics and speech, as well as the principles of Islamic jurisprudence, or Fiqh. He continued his education at the seminary in an-Najaf in the Qur'an and Hadiths as interpreted in Shia law, receiving his jurisprudence degree when he was 25. Later life Personal life His son Mostafa died in an accident in 1955; the new prime minister, Hossein Ala', escaped an assassination attempt at the funeral.[1] According to British intelligence, around this time two of his sons were involved in a lucrative business buying and selling import-export licenses for restricted goods.[2] One of Kashani's children, Mahmoud Kashani, went on to become head of the Iranian delegation to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, Netherlands, in Iran's case with the United States and a presidential candidate in the Iranian presidential elections of 1988 and 2005. His second son is Ahmad Kashani, a former member of Iranian parliament. Kashani is also the great grandfather of Iranian-American filmmaker Sam Ali Kashani. Political life Abol-Ghasem expressed Anti-capitalist leanings from early on in his career and opposed what he saw as "oppression, despotism and colonization." Because of these beliefs, he was especially popular with the poor in Tehran.[3] He also advocated the return of Islamic government to Iran, though this was most likely for political reasons.[4] Due to nationalist positions, Ayatollah Kashani was arrested and exiled by the British and Soviets. He continued to oppose foreign, especially British, control of Iran's oil industry while in exile. After he returned from exile on 10 June 1950, he continued to protest. Angered by the fact that the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company paid Iran much less than it did the British, he organized a movement against it and was the "virtually alone among the leading mujtahids in joining" nationalist Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq, in his campaign to nationalize the Iranian oil industry in 1951.[5][6] Kashani served as speaker of the Majles (or lower house of Parliament), during the oil nationalization, but later turned against Mosaddeq during the 1953 Iranian coup d'état. Kashani protected the violent Islamist group Fada'iyan-e Islam, led by Navvab Safavi, after their expulsion from the Qom seminary by Ayatollah Hosein Borujerdi in 1950. The group then engaged in public assassinations in Tehran in the early 1950s.[7] Iran (Persian: ایران Irân [ʔiːˈɾɒːn] (listen)), also called Persia,[13][14] and officially the Islamic Republic of Iran,[a] is a country in Western Asia. It is bordered by Iraq and Turkey to the west, by Azerbaijan and Armenia to the northwest, by the Caspian Sea and Turkmenistan to the north, by Afghanistan and Pakistan to the east, and by the Gulf of Oman and the Persian Gulf to the south. It covers an area of 1,648,195 km2 (636,372 sq mi), making it the fourth-largest country entirely in Asia and the second-largest country in Western Asia behind Saudi Arabia. Iran has a population of 85 million, making it the 17th-most populous country in the world.[15] Its largest cities, in descending order, are the capital Tehran, Mashhad, Isfahan, Karaj, Shiraz, and Tabriz. The country is home to one of the world's oldest civilizations,[16][17] beginning with the formation of the Elamite kingdoms in the fourth millennium BC. It was first unified by the Medes, an ancient Iranian people, in the seventh century BC,[18] and reached its territorial height in the sixth century BC, when Cyrus the Great founded the Achaemenid Persian Empire, which became one of the largest empires in history and has been described as the world's first effective superpower.[19] The Achaemenid Empire fell to Alexander the Great in the fourth century BC and was subsequently divided into several Hellenistic states. An Iranian rebellion established the Parthian Empire in the third century BC, which was succeeded in the third century AD by the Sassanid Empire, a major world power for the next four centuries.[20][21] Arab Muslims conquered the empire in the seventh century AD, which led to the Islamization of Iran. It subsequently became a major center of Islamic culture and learning, with its art, literature, philosophy, and architecture spreading across the Muslim world and beyond during the Islamic Golden Age. Over the next two centuries, a series of native Iranian Muslim dynasties emerged before the Seljuk Turks and the Mongols conquered the region. In the 15th century, the native Safavids re-established a unified Iranian state and national identity,[4] and converted the country to Shia Islam.[5][22] Under the reign of Nader Shah in the 18th century, Iran once again became a major world power,[23] though by the 19th century, a series of conflicts with the Russian Empire led to significant territorial losses.[24][25] The early 20th century saw the Persian Constitutional Revolution. Efforts to nationalize its fossil fuel supply from Western companies led to an Anglo-American coup in 1953, which resulted in greater autocratic rule under Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and growing Western political influence.[26] He went on to launch a far-reaching series of reforms in 1963.[27] After the Iranian Revolution, the current Islamic Republic was established in 1979[28] by Ruhollah Khomeini, who became the country's first Supreme Leader. The government of Iran is an Islamic theocracy that includes elements of a presidential democracy, with the ultimate authority vested in an autocratic "Supreme Leader";[29] a position held by Ali Khamenei since Khomeini's death in 1989. The Iranian government is widely considered to be authoritarian, and has attracted widespread criticism for its significant constraints and abuses against human rights and civil liberties,[30][31][32][33] including several violent suppressions of mass protests, unfair elections, and limited rights for women and for children. It is also a focal point for Shia Islam within the Middle East, countering the long-existing Arab and Sunni hegemony within the region. Since the Iranian Revolution, the country is widely considered to be the largest adversary of Israel and also of Saudi Arabia. Iran is also considered to be one of the biggest players within Middle Eastern affairs, with its government being involved both directly and indirectly in the majority of modern Middle Eastern conflicts. Iran is a regional and middle power, with a geopolitically strategic location in the Asian continent.[34] It is a founding member of the United Nations, the ECO, the OIC, and the OPEC. It has large reserves of fossil fuels—including the second-largest natural gas supply and the fourth-largest proven oil reserves.[35] The country's rich cultural legacy is reflected in part by its 26 UNESCO World Heritage Sites.[36] Historically a multi-ethnic country, Iran remains a pluralistic society comprising numerous ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups, with the largest of these being Persians, Azeris, Kurds, Mazandaranis, and Lurs.[3] Contents 1 Name 1.1 Pronunciation 2 History 2.1 Prehistory 2.2 Classical antiquity 2.3 Medieval period 2.4 Early modern period 2.4.1 Safavids 2.4.2 Afsharids 2.4.3 Zands 2.4.4 Qajars 2.4.5 Pahlavis 2.5 1951–1978: Mosaddegh, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi 2.6 After the 1979 Iranian Revolution 3 Geography 3.1 Climate 3.2 Wildlife 3.3 Administrative divisions 4 Government and politics 4.1 Supreme Leader 4.2 Guardian Council 4.3 President 4.4 Legislature 4.5 Law 4.6 Foreign relations 4.7 Military 4.8 Human rights 4.9 Censorship in Iran 5 Economy 5.1 Tourism 5.2 Transportation 5.3 Energy 6 Education, science and technology 7 Demographics 7.1 Languages 7.2 Ethnic groups 7.3 Religion 8 Culture 8.1 Art 8.2 Architecture 8.3 Weaving 8.4 Literature 8.5 Philosophy 8.6 Mythology 8.7 Music 8.8 Theater 8.9 Cinema and animation 8.10 Observances 8.10.1 Public holidays 8.11 Cuisine 8.12 Sports 8.13 Media 8.14 Fashion and clothing 9 See also 10 Explanatory notes 11 References 12 Bibliography 13 External links Name Main article: Name of Iran Inscription of Ardeshir Babakan (ruling 224–242) in Naqsh-e Rostam Inscription of Ardeshir Babakan (r. 224–242) in Naqsh-e Rostam: "This is the figure of Mazdaworshiper, the lord Ardashir, Shahanshah of Iran..."[37] An Ashrafi Coin of Nader Shah An Ashrafi Coin of Nader Shah (r. 1736–1747), reverse:"Coined on gold the word of kingdom in the world, Nader of Greater Iran and the world-conquerer king."[38] The term Iran derives directly from Middle Persian Ērān, first attested in a third-century inscription at Naqsh-e Rostam, with the accompanying Parthian inscription using the term Aryān, in reference to the Iranians.[39] The Middle Iranian ērān and aryān are oblique plural forms of gentilic nouns ēr- (Middle Persian) and ary- (Parthian), both deriving from Proto-Iranian language *arya- (meaning "Aryan", i.e. "of the Iranians"),[39][40] recognized as a derivative of Proto-Indo-European language *ar-yo-, meaning "one who assembles (skilfully)".[41] In the Iranian languages, the gentilic is attested as a self-identifier, included in ancient inscriptions and the literature of the Avesta,[42][b] and remains also in other Iranian ethnic names Alan (Ossetian: Ир Ir) and Iron (Ирон).[40] According to the Iranian mythology, the country's name comes from the name of Iraj, a legendary prince and shah who was killed by his brothers.[43] Historically, Iran has been referred to as Persia by the West,[13] due mainly to the writings of Greek historians who referred to all of Iran as Persís (Ancient Greek: Περσίς; from Old Persian 𐎱𐎠𐎼𐎿 Pârsa),[44] meaning "land of the Persians", while Persis itself was one of the provinces of ancient Iran that is today known as Fars.[45] As the most extensive interaction the ancient Greeks had with any outsider was with the Persians, the term persisted, even long after the Greco-Persian Wars (499–449 BC). In 1935, Reza Shah requested the international community to refer to the country by its native name, Iran, on Nowruz, falling on 21 March 1935; effective 22 March that year.[46][47] Opposition to the name change led to the reversal of the decision in 1959, and Professor Ehsan Yarshater, editor of Encyclopædia Iranica, propagated a move to use Persia and Iran interchangeably.[48] Today, both Iran and Persia are used in cultural contexts, while Iran remains irreplaceable in official state contexts.[49] Historical and cultural usage of the word Iran is not restricted to the modern state proper.[50][51][52] "Greater Iran" (Irānzamīn or Irān e Bozorg)[53] refers to territories of the Iranian cultural and linguistic zones. In addition to modern Iran, it includes portions of the Caucasus, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Afghanistan, and Central Asia.[54][page needed] Pronunciation The Persian pronunciation of Iran is [ʔiːˈɾɒːn]. Common Commonwealth English pronunciations of Iran are listed in the Oxford English Dictionary as /ɪˈrɑːn/ and /ɪˈræn/,[55] while American English dictionaries such as Merriam-Webster's provide pronunciations which map to /ɪˈrɑːn, -ˈræn, aɪˈræn/,[56] or likewise in Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary as /ɪˈræn, ɪˈrɑːn, aɪˈræn/. The Cambridge Dictionary lists /ɪˈrɑːn/ as the British pronunciation and /ɪˈræn/ as the American pronunciation. Similarly, Glasgow-based Collins English Dictionary provides both English English and American English pronunciations. The pronunciation guide from Voice of America also provides /ɪˈrɑːn/.[57] The American English pronunciation /aɪˈræn/ may be heard in U.S. media. Max Fisher in The Washington Post[58] prescribed /iːˈrɑːn/ for Iran, while proscribing /aɪˈræn/. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, in the dictionary's 2014 Usage Ballot, addressed the topic of the pronunciations of Iran and Iraq.[59] According to this survey, the pronunciations /ɪˈrɑːn/ and /ɪˈræn/ were deemed almost equally acceptable, while /ɪˈrɑːn/ was preferred by most panelists participating in the ballot. With regard to the /aɪˈræn/ pronunciation, more than 70% of the panelists deemed it unacceptable. Among the reasons given by those panelists were that /aɪˈræn/ has "hawkish connotations" and sounds "angrier", "xenophobic", "ignorant", and "not ... cosmopolitan". The /aɪˈræn/ pronunciation remains standard and acceptable, reflected in the entry for Iran in the American Heritage Dictionary itself, as well as in each of the other major dictionaries of American English. History Main article: History of Iran For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Iranian history. Prehistory Further information: Prehistory of Iran and Archaeological sites in Iran A cave painting in Doushe cave, Lorestan, from the 8th millennium BC[60] The earliest attested archaeological artifacts in Iran, like those excavated at Kashafrud and Ganj Par in northern Iran, confirm a human presence in Iran since the Lower Paleolithic.[61] Iran's Neanderthal artifacts from the Middle Paleolithic have been found mainly in the Zagros region, at sites such as Warwasi and Yafteh.[62][63][page needed] From the 10th to the seventh millennium BC, early agricultural communities began to flourish in and around the Zagros region in western Iran, including Chogha Golan,[64][65] Chogha Bonut,[66][67] and Chogha Mish.[68][69][page needed][70] The occupation of grouped hamlets in the area of Susa, as determined by radiocarbon dating, ranges from 4395–3955 to 3680–3490 BC.[71] There are dozens of prehistoric sites across the Iranian Plateau, pointing to the existence of ancient cultures and urban settlements in the fourth millennium BC.[70][72][73] During the Bronze Age, the territory of present-day Iran was home to several civilizations, including Elam, Jiroft, and Zayanderud. Elam, the most prominent of these civilizations, developed in the southwest alongside those in Mesopotamia, and continued its existence until the emergence of the Iranian empires. The advent of writing in Elam was paralleled to Sumer, and the Elamite cuneiform was developed since the third millennium BC.[74] From the 34th to the 20th century BC, northwestern Iran was part of the Kura-Araxes culture, which stretched into the neighboring Caucasus and Anatolia. Since the earliest second millennium BC, Assyrians settled in swaths of western Iran and incorporated the region into their territories. Classical antiquity Main articles: Median Empire, Achaemenid Empire, Seleucid Empire, Parthian Empire, and Sasanian Empire See also: Indo-European migrations A bas-relief at Persepolis, depicting the united Medes and Persians By the second millennium BC, the ancient Iranian peoples arrived in what is now Iran from the Eurasian Steppe,[75] rivaling the native settlers of the region.[76][77] As the Iranians dispersed into the wider area of Greater Iran and beyond, the boundaries of modern-day Iran were dominated by Median, Persian, and Parthian tribes. From the late 10th to the late seventh century BC, the Iranian peoples, together with the "pre-Iranian" kingdoms, fell under the domination of the Assyrian Empire, based in northern Mesopotamia.[78][page needed] Under king Cyaxares, the Medes and Persians entered into an alliance with Babylonian ruler Nabopolassar, as well as the fellow Iranian Scythians and Cimmerians, and together they attacked the Assyrian Empire. The civil war ravaged the Assyrian Empire between 616 and 605 BC, thus freeing their respective peoples from three centuries of Assyrian rule.[78] The unification of the Median tribes under king Deioces in 728 BC led to the foundation of the Median Empire which, by 612 BC, controlled almost the entire territory of present-day Iran and eastern Anatolia.[79] This marked the end of the Kingdom of Urartu as well, which was subsequently conquered and dissolved.[80][81] Tomb of Cyrus the Great, founder of the Achaemenid Empire, in Pasargadae In 550 BC, Cyrus the Great, the son of Mandane and Cambyses I, took over the Median Empire, and founded the Achaemenid Empire by unifying other city-states. The conquest of Media was a result of what is called the Persian Revolt. The brouhaha was initially triggered by the actions of the Median ruler Astyages, and was quickly spread to other provinces as they allied with the Persians. Later conquests under Cyrus and his successors expanded the empire to include Lydia, Babylon, Egypt, parts of the Balkans and Eastern Europe proper, as well as the lands to the west of the Indus and Oxus rivers. 539 BC was the year in which Persian forces defeated the Babylonian army at Opis, and marked the end of around four centuries of Mesopotamian domination of the region by conquering the Neo-Babylonian Empire. Cyrus entered Babylon and presented himself as a traditional Mesopotamian monarch. Subsequent Achaemenid art and iconography reflect the influence of the new political reality in Mesopotamia. The Achaemenid Empire (550 BC–330 BC) around the time of Darius the Great and Xerxes I The Parthian Empire (247 BC–224 AD) in 94 BC at its greatest extent, during the reign of Mithridates II At its greatest extent, the Achaemenid Empire included territories of modern-day Iran, Republic of Azerbaijan (Arran and Shirvan), Armenia, Georgia, Turkey (Anatolia), much of the Black Sea coastal regions, northeastern Greece and southern Bulgaria (Thrace), northern Greece and North Macedonia (Paeonia and Macedon), Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian territories, all significant population centers of ancient Egypt as far west as Libya, Kuwait, northern Saudi Arabia, parts of the United Arab Emirates and Oman, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and much of Central Asia, making it the largest empire the world had yet seen.[19] It is estimated that in 480 BC, 50 million people lived in the Achaemenid Empire.[82][83] The empire at its peak ruled over 44% of the world's population, the highest such figure for any empire in history.[84] The Achaemenid Empire is noted for the release of the Jewish exiles in Babylon,[85] building infrastructures such as the Royal Road and the Chapar (postal service), and the use of an official language, Imperial Aramaic, throughout its territories.[19] The empire had a centralized, bureaucratic administration under the emperor, a large professional army, and civil services, inspiring similar developments in later empires.[86][87] Eventual conflict on the western borders began with the Ionian Revolt, which erupted into the Greco-Persian Wars and continued through the first half of the fifth century BC, and ended with the withdrawal of the Achaemenids from all of the territories in the Balkans and Eastern Europe proper.[88] In 334 BC, Alexander the Great invaded the Achaemenid Empire, defeating the last Achaemenid emperor, Darius III, at the Battle of Issus. Following the premature death of Alexander, Iran came under the control of the Hellenistic Seleucid Empire. In the middle of the second century BC, the Parthian Empire rose to become the main power in Iran, and the century-long geopolitical arch-rivalry between the Romans and the Parthians began, culminating in the Roman–Parthian Wars. The Parthian Empire continued as a feudal monarchy for nearly five centuries, until 224 CE, when it was succeeded by the Sasanian Empire.[89] Together with their neighboring arch-rival, the Roman-Byzantines, they made up the world's two most dominant powers at the time, for over four centuries.[20][21] The Sasanians established an empire within the frontiers achieved by the Achaemenids, with their capital at Ctesiphon. Late antiquity is considered one of Iran's most influential periods, as under the Sasanians their influence reached the culture of ancient Rome (and through that as far as Western Europe),[90][91] Africa,[92] China, and India,[93] and played a prominent role in the formation of the medieval art of both Europe and Asia.[94] Most of the era of the Sasanian Empire was overshadowed by the Roman–Persian Wars, which raged on the western borders at Anatolia, the Western Caucasus, Mesopotamia, and the Levant, for over 700 years. These wars ultimately exhausted both the Romans and the Sasanians and led to the defeat of both by the Muslim invasion.[citation needed] Throughout the Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sasanian eras, several offshoots of the Iranian dynasties established eponymous branches in Anatolia and the Caucasus, including the Pontic Kingdom, the Mihranids, and the Arsacid dynasties of Armenia, Iberia (Georgia), and Caucasian Albania (present-day Republic of Azerbaijan and southern Dagestan).[citation needed] Medieval period Main articles: Muslim conquest of Persia and Medieval Iran The prolonged Byzantine–Sasanian wars, most importantly the climactic war of 602–628, as well as the social conflict within the Sasanian Empire, opened the way for an Arab invasion of Iran in the seventh century.[95][96] The empire was initially defeated by the Rashidun Caliphate, which was succeeded by the Umayyad Caliphate, followed by the Abbasid Caliphate. A prolonged and gradual process of state-imposed Islamization followed, which targeted Iran's then Zoroastrian majority and included religious persecution,[97][98][99] demolition of libraries[100] and fire temples,[101] a special tax penalty ("jizya"),[102][103] and language shift.[104][105] In 750, the Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads.[106] Arabs Muslims and Persians of all strata made up the rebel army, which was united by the converted Persian Muslim, Abu Muslim.[107][108][109] In their struggle for power, the society in their times gradually became cosmopolitan and the old Arab simplicity and aristocratic dignity, bearing and prestige were lost. Persians and Turks began to replace the Arabs in most fields. The fusion of the Arab nobility with the subject races, the practice of polygamy and concubinage, made for a social amalgam wherein loyalties became uncertain and a hierarchy of officials emerged, a bureaucracy at first Persian and later Turkish which decreased Abbasid prestige and power for good.[110] After two centuries of Arab rule, semi-independent and independent Iranian kingdoms—including the Tahirids, Saffarids, Samanids, and Buyids—began to appear on the fringes of the declining Abbasid Caliphate.[111] Tomb of Hafez, a medieval Persian poet whose works are regarded as a pinnacle in Persian literature and have left a considerable mark on later Western writers, most notably Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Henry David Thoreau, and Emerson[112][113][114] The blossoming literature, philosophy, mathematics, medicine, astronomy and art of Iran became major elements in the formation of a new age for the Iranian civilization, during a period known as the Islamic Golden Age.[115][116] The Islamic Golden Age reached its peak by the 10th and 11th centuries, during which Iran was the main theater of scientific activities.[117] The cultural revival that began in the Abbasid period led to a resurfacing of the Iranian national identity; thus, the attempts of Arabization never succeeded in Iran.[citation needed] The Shu'ubiyya movement became a catalyst for Iranians to regain independence in their relations with the Arab invaders.[118] The most notable effect of this movement was the continuation of the Persian language attested to the works of the epic poet Ferdowsi, now considered the most prominent figure in Iranian literature.[citation needed] The 10th century saw a mass migration of Turkic tribes from Central Asia into the Iranian Plateau.[119] Turkic tribesmen were first used in the Abbasid army as mamluks (slave-warriors), replacing Iranian and Arab elements within the army.[107] As a result, the Mamluks gained significant political power. In 999, large portions of Iran came briefly under the rule of the Ghaznavids, whose rulers were of mamluk Turkic origin, and longer subsequently under the Seljuk and Khwarezmian empires.[119] The Seljuks subsequently gave rise to the Sultanate of Rum in Anatolia, while taking their thoroughly Persianized identity with them.[120][121] The result of the adoption and patronage of Persian culture by Turkish rulers was the development of a distinct Turco-Persian tradition. From 1219 to 1221, under the Khwarazmian Empire, Iran suffered a devastating invasion by the Mongol Empire army of Genghis Khan. According to Steven R. Ward, "Mongol violence and depredations killed up to three-fourths of the population of the Iranian Plateau, possibly 10 to 15 million people. Some historians have estimated that Iran's population did not again reach its pre-Mongol levels until the mid-20th century."[122] Most modern historians either outright dismiss or are highly skeptical of such statistics of colossal magnitude pertaining the Mongol onslaught on the Khwarazmian empire, mainland Iran and other Muslim regions and deem them to be exaggerations by Muslim chroniclers of that era (whose recordings were naturally of an anti-Mongol bent). Indeed, as far as the Iranian plateau was concerned, the bulk of the Mongol onslaught and battles were in the northeast of what is modern-day Iran, such as in the cities of Nishapur and Tus.[123][124][125] Following the fracture of the Mongol Empire in 1256, Hulagu Khan, grandson of Genghis Khan, established the Ilkhanate in Iran. In 1370, yet another conqueror, Timur, followed the example of Hulagu, establishing the Timurid Empire which lasted for another 156 years. In 1387, Timur ordered the complete massacre of Isfahan, reportedly killing 70,000 citizens.[126] The Ilkhans and the Timurids soon came to adopt the ways and customs of the Iranians, surrounding themselves with a culture that was distinctively Iranian.[127] Early modern period Safavids Main article: Safavid Iran Venetian portrait, kept at the Uffizi, of Ismail I, the founder of the Safavid Empire By the 1500s, Ismail I of Ardabil established the Safavid Empire,[128] with his capital at Tabriz.[119] Beginning with Azerbaijan, he subsequently extended his authority over all of the Iranian territories, and established an intermittent Iranian hegemony over the vast relative regions, reasserting the Iranian identity within large parts of Greater Iran.[129] Iran was predominantly Sunni,[130] but Ismail instigated a forced conversion to the Shia branch of Islam,[131] spreading throughout the Safavid territories in the Caucasus, Iran, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia. As a result, modern-day Iran is the only official Shia nation of the world, with it holding an absolute majority in Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan, having there the first and the second highest number of Shia inhabitants by population percentage in the world.[132][133] Meanwhile, the centuries-long geopolitical and ideological rivalry between Safavid Iran and the neighboring Ottoman Empire led to numerous Ottoman–Iranian wars.[122] A portrait of Abbas I, the powerful, pragmatic Safavid ruler who reinforced Iran's military, political, and economic power The Safavid era peaked in the reign of Abbas I (1587–1629),[122][134] surpassing their Turkish archrivals in strength, and making Iran a leading science and art hub in western Eurasia. The Safavid era saw the start of mass integration from Caucasian populations into new layers of the society of Iran, as well as mass resettlement of them within the heartlands of Iran, playing a pivotal role in the history of Iran for centuries onwards. Following a gradual decline in the late 1600s and the early 1700s, which was caused by internal conflicts, the continuous wars with the Ottomans, and the foreign interference (most notably the Russian interference), the Safavid rule was ended by the Pashtun rebels who besieged Isfahan and defeated Sultan Husayn in 1722. Afsharids Main article: Afsharid dynasty In 1729, Nader Shah, a chieftain and military genius from Khorasan, successfully drove out and conquered the Pashtun invaders. He subsequently took back the annexed Caucasian territories which were divided among the Ottoman and Russian authorities by the ongoing chaos in Iran. During the reign of Nader Shah, Iran reached its greatest extent since the Sasanian Empire, reestablishing the Iranian hegemony all over the Caucasus, as well as other major parts of the west and central Asia, and briefly possessing what was arguably the most powerful empire at the time.[23] Statue of Nader Shah, the first Afsharid ruler of Iran, at his Tomb Nader Shah invaded India and sacked far off Delhi by the late 1730s. His territorial expansion, as well as his military successes, went into a decline following the final campaigns in the Northern Caucasus against then revolting Lezgins. The assassination of Nader Shah sparked a brief period of civil war and turmoil, after which Karim Khan of the Zand dynasty came to power in 1750, bringing a period of relative peace and prosperity.[122] Zands Main article: Zand dynasty Compared to its preceding dynasties, the geopolitical reach of the Zand dynasty was limited. Many of the Iranian territories in the Caucasus gained de facto autonomy and were locally ruled through various Caucasian khanates. However, despite the self-ruling, they all remained subjects and vassals to the Zand king.[135] Another civil war ensued after the death of Karim Khan in 1779, out of which Agha Mohammad Khan emerged, founding the Qajar dynasty in 1794. Qajars Main article: Qajar Iran In 1795, following the disobedience of the Georgian subjects and their alliance with the Russians, the Qajars captured Tbilisi by the Battle of Krtsanisi, and drove the Russians out of the entire Caucasus, reestablishing the Iranian suzerainty over the region. A map showing the 19th-century northwestern borders of Iran, comprising modern-day eastern Georgia, Dagestan, Armenia, and the Republic of Azerbaijan, before being ceded to the neighboring Russian Empire by the Russo-Iranian wars The Russo-Iranian wars of 1804–1813 and 1826–1828 resulted in large irrevocable territorial losses for Iran in the Caucasus, comprising all of the South Caucasus and Dagestan, which made part of the very concept of Iran for centuries,[24] and thus substantial gains for the neighboring Russian Empire. As a result of the 19th-century Russo-Iranian wars, the Russians took over the Caucasus, and Iran irrevocably lost control over its integral territories in the region (comprising modern-day Dagestan, Georgia, Armenia, and Republic of Azerbaijan), which got confirmed per the treaties of Gulistan and Turkmenchay.[25][136] The area to the north of Aras River, among which the contemporary Republic of Azerbaijan, eastern Georgia, Dagestan, and Armenia are located, were Iranian territory until they were occupied by Russia in the course of the 19th century.[25][137][138][139][140][141][142] As Iran shrank, many South Caucasian and North Caucasian Muslims moved towards Iran,[143][144] especially until the aftermath of the Circassian Genocide,[144] and the decades afterwards, while Iran's Armenians were encouraged to settle in the newly incorporated Russian territories,[145][146][147] causing significant demographic shifts. Around 1.5 million people—20 to 25% of the population of Iran—died as a result of the Great Famine of 1870–1872.[148] The first national Iranian Parliament was established in 1906 during the Persian Constitutional Revolution Between 1872 and 1905, a series of protests took place in response to the sale of concessions to foreigners by Qajar monarchs Naser-ed-Din and Mozaffar-ed-Din, and led to the Constitutional Revolution in 1905. The first Iranian constitution and the first national parliament of Iran were founded in 1906, through the ongoing revolution. The Constitution included the official recognition of Iran's three religious minorities, namely Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians,[149] which has remained a basis in the legislation of Iran since then. The struggle related to the constitutional movement was followed by the Triumph of Tehran in 1909, when Mohammad Ali Shah was defeated and forced to abdicate. On the pretext of restoring order, the Russians occupied northern Iran in 1911 and maintained a military presence in the region for years to come. But this did not put an end to the civil uprisings and was soon followed by Mirza Kuchik Khan's Jungle Movement against both the Qajar monarchy and foreign invaders. Reza Shah, the first Pahlavi king of Iran, in military uniform Despite Iran's neutrality during World War I, the Ottoman, Russian and British empires occupied the territory of western Iran and fought the Persian Campaign before fully withdrawing their forces in 1921. At least 2 million Persian civilians died either directly in the fighting, the Ottoman perpetrated anti-Christian genocides or the war-induced famine of 1917–1919. A large number of Iranian Assyrian and Iranian Armenian Christians, as well as those Muslims who tried to protect them, were victims of mass murders committed by the invading Ottoman troops, notably in and around Khoy, Maku, Salmas, and Urmia.[150][151][152][153][154] Apart from the rule of Agha Mohammad Khan, the Qajar rule is characterized as a century of misrule.[119] The inability of Qajar Iran's government to maintain the country's sovereignty during and immediately after World War I led to the British directed 1921 Persian coup d'état and Reza Shah's establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty. Reza Shah, became the new Prime Minister of Iran and was declared the new monarch in 1925. Pahlavis Main article: Pahlavi Iran See also: Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran In the midst of World War II, in June 1941, Nazi Germany broke the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and invaded the Soviet Union, Iran's northern neighbor. The Soviets quickly allied themselves with the Allied countries and in July and August 1941 the British demanded that the Iranian government expel all Germans from Iran. Reza Shah refused to expel the Germans and on 25 August 1941, the British and Soviets launched a surprise invasion and Reza Shah's government quickly surrendered.[155] The invasion's strategic purpose was to secure a supply line to the USSR (later named the Persian Corridor), secure the oil fields and Abadan Refinery (of the UK-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company), prevent a German advance via Turkey or the USSR on Baku's oil fields, and limit German influence in Iran. Following the invasion, on 16 September 1941 Reza Shah abdicated and was replaced by Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, his 21-year-old son.[156][157][158] The Allied "Big Three" at the 1943 Tehran Conference. During the rest of World War II, Iran became a major conduit for British and American aid to the Soviet Union and an avenue through which over 120,000 Polish refugees and Polish Armed Forces fled the Axis advance.[159] At the 1943 Tehran Conference, the Allied "Big Three"—Joseph Stalin, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Winston Churchill—issued the Tehran Declaration to guarantee the post-war independence and boundaries of Iran. However, at the end of the war, Soviet troops remained in Iran and established two puppet states in north-western Iran, namely the People's Government of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Mahabad. This led to the Iran crisis of 1946, one of the first confrontations of the Cold War, which ended after oil concessions were promised to the USSR and Soviet forces withdrew from Iran proper in May 1946. The two puppet states were soon overthrown, and the oil concessions were later revoked.[160][161] 1951–1978: Mosaddegh, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi Main article: 1953 Iranian coup d'état Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and the Imperial Family during the coronation ceremony of the Shah of Iran in 1967. In 1951, Mohammad Mosaddegh was appointed as the Prime Minister of Pahlavi Iran. After the nationalization of Iran's oil industry, he became enormously popular. He was deposed in the 1953 Iranian coup d'état, an Anglo-American covert operation that marked the first time the United States had participated in an overthrow of a foreign government during the Cold War.[162] After the coup, the Shah became increasingly autocratic and sultanistic, and Iran entered a decades-long phase of controversially close relations with the United States and some other foreign governments.[163] While the Shah increasingly modernized Iran and claimed to retain it as a fully secular state,[26] arbitrary arrests and torture by his secret police, the SAVAK, were used for crushing all forms of political opposition.[164] Ruhollah Khomeini, a radical Muslim cleric,[165] became an active critic of the Shah's far-reaching series of reforms known as the White Revolution. Khomeini publicly denounced the government, and was arrested and imprisoned for 18 months. After his release in 1964, he refused to apologize and was eventually sent into exile. Due to the 1973 spike in oil prices, the economy of Iran was flooded with foreign currency, which caused inflation. By 1974, the economy of Iran was experiencing a double-digit inflation rate, and despite the many large projects to modernize the country, corruption was rampant and caused large amounts of waste. By 1975 and 1976, an economic recession led to an increased unemployment rate, especially among millions of youths who had migrated to the cities of Iran looking for construction jobs during the boom years of the early 1970s. By the late 1970s, many of these people opposed the Shah's regime and began organizing and joining the protests against it.[166] After the 1979 Iranian Revolution Main article: History of the Islamic Republic of Iran See also: Iranian Revolution, Iran–Iraq War, and Human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran Ruhollah Khomeini's return to Iran on 1 February 1979 The 1979 Revolution, later known as the Islamic Revolution,[167][168][169] began in January 1978 with the first major demonstrations against the Shah.[170] After a year of strikes and demonstrations paralyzing the country and its economy, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi fled to the United States, and Ruhollah Khomeini returned from exile to Tehran in February 1979, forming a new government.[171] After holding a referendum, Iran officially became an Islamic republic in April 1979.[172] A second referendum in December 1979 approved a theocratic constitution.[173] The immediate nationwide uprisings against the new government began with the 1979 Kurdish rebellion and the Khuzestan uprisings, along with the uprisings in Sistan and Baluchestan and other areas. Over the next several years, these uprisings were subdued violently by the new Islamic government. The new government began purging itself of the non-Islamist political opposition, as well as of those Islamists who were not considered radical enough. Although both nationalists and Marxists had initially joined with Islamists to overthrow the Shah, tens of thousands were executed by the new regime afterward.[174] Following Khomeini's order to purge the new government of any remaining officials still loyal to the exiled Shah, many former ministers and officials in the Shah's government, including former prime minister Amir-Abbas Hoveyda, were executed. On 4 November 1979, after the United States refusal for the extradition of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to the new government, a group of Muslim students seized the United States Embassy and took the embassy with 52 personnel and citizens hostage .[175] Attempts by the Jimmy Carter administration to negotiate for the release of the hostages, and a failed rescue attempt, helped with the falling popularity of Carter among the US citizens and it pushed him out of the presidential office and brought Ronald Reagan to power. On Jimmy Carter's final day in office, the last hostages were finally set free due to the Algiers Accords. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi left the United States for Egypt, where he died of complications from cancer only months later, on 27 July 1980. The Cultural Revolution began in 1980, with an initial closure of universities for three years, in order to perform an inspection and clean up in the cultural policy of the education and training system.[176] An Iranian soldier wearing a gas mask on the front line during the Iran–Iraq War On 22 September 1980, the Iraqi army invaded the western Iranian province of Khuzestan, initiating the Iran–Iraq War. Although the forces of Saddam Hussein made several early advances, by mid-1982, the Iranian forces successfully managed to drive the Iraqi army back into Iraq. In July 1982, with Iraq thrown on the defensive, the regime of Iran decided to invade Iraq and conducted countless offensives to conquer Iraqi territory and capture cities, such as Basra. The war continued until 1988 when the Iraqi army defeated the Iranian forces inside Iraq and pushed the remaining Iranian troops back across the border. Subsequently, Khomeini accepted a truce mediated by the United Nations. The total Iranian casualties in the war were estimated to be 123,220–160,000 KIA, 60,711 MIA, and 11,000–16,000 civilians killed.[177][178] The Green Movement's Silent Demonstration during the 2009–10 Iranian election protests Following the Iran–Iraq War, in 1989, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and his administration concentrated on a pragmatic pro-business policy of rebuilding and strengthening the economy without making any dramatic break with the ideology of the revolution. In 1997, Rafsanjani was succeeded by moderate reformist Mohammad Khatami, whose government attempted, unsuccessfully, to make the country more free and democratic.[179] The 2005 presidential election brought conservative populist candidate, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, to power.[180] By the time of the 2009 Iranian presidential election, the Interior Ministry announced incumbent President Ahmadinejad had won 62.63% of the vote, while Mir-Hossein Mousavi had come in second place with 33.75%.[181][182] The election results were widely disputed,[183][184] and resulted in widespread protests, both within Iran and in major cities outside the country,[185][186] and the creation of the Iranian Green Movement. Hassan Rouhani was elected as the president on 15 June 2013, defeating Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and four other candidates.[187][188] The electoral victory of Rouhani relatively improved the relations of Iran with other countries.[189] The 2017–18 Iranian protests were initiated on 31 December 2017 and continued for months. The 2017–18 Iranian protests swept across the country against the government and its longtime Supreme Leader in response to the economic and political situation.[190] The scale of protests throughout the country and the number of people participating were significant,[191] and it was formally confirmed that thousands of protesters were arrested.[192] The 2019–20 Iranian protests started on 15 November in Ahvaz, spreading across the country within hours, after the government announced increases in the fuel price of up to 300%.[193] A week-long total Internet shutdown throughout the country marked one of the most severe Internet blackouts in any country, and in the bloodiest governmental crackdown of the protestors in the history of Islamic Republic,[194] tens of thousands were arrested and hundreds were killed within a few days according to multiple international observers, including Amnesty International.[195] On 3 January 2020, the revolutionary guard's general, Qasem Soleimani, was assassinated by the United States in Iraq, which considerably heightened the existing tensions between the two countries.[196] Three days after, Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps launched a retaliatory attack on US forces in Iraq and by accident shot down Ukraine International Airlines Flight 752, killing 176 civilians and leading to nation-wide protests. An international investigation led to the government admitting to the shootdown of the plane by a surface-to-air missile after three days of denial, calling it a "human error".[197][198] Geography Main article: Geography of Iran See also: Borders of Iran, Agriculture in Iran, and Environmental issues in Iran Mount Damavand, Iran's highest point, is located in Amol, Mazenderan. Iran has an area of 1,648,195 km2 (636,372 sq mi).[3] It lies between latitudes 24° and 40° N, and longitudes 44° and 64° E. It is bordered to the northwest by Armenia (35 km or 22 mi), the Azeri exclave of Nakhchivan (179 km or 111 mi),[199] and the Republic of Azerbaijan (611 km or 380 mi); to the north by the Caspian Sea; to the northeast by Turkmenistan (992 km or 616 mi); to the east by Afghanistan (936 km or 582 mi) and Pakistan (909 km or 565 mi); to the south by the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman; and to the west by Iraq (1,458 km or 906 mi) and Turkey (499 km or 310 mi). Iran is located in a seismically active area.[200] On average, an earthquake of magnitude seven on the Richter scale occurs once every ten years.[201] Most earthquakes are shallow-focus and can be very devastating, such as the tragic 2003 Bam earthquake. Iran consists of the Iranian Plateau, with the exception of the coasts of the Caspian Sea and Khuzestan. It is one of the world's most mountainous countries, its landscape dominated by rugged mountain ranges that separate various basins or plateaus from one another. The populous western part is the most mountainous, with ranges such as the Caucasus, Zagros, and Alborz, the last containing Mount Damavand, Iran's highest point at 5,610 m (18,406 ft), which is also the highest mountain in Asia west of the Hindu Kush. The northern part of Iran is covered by the lush lowland Caspian Hyrcanian mixed forests, located near the southern shores of the Caspian Sea. The eastern part consists mostly of desert basins, such as the Kavir Desert, which is the country's largest desert, and the Lut Desert, as well as some salt lakes. Iran had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 7.67/10, ranking it 34th globally out of 172 countries.[202] The only large plains are found along the coast of the Caspian Sea and at the northern end of the Persian Gulf, where the country borders the mouth of the Arvand river. Smaller, discontinuous plains are found along the remaining coast of the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Gulf of Oman. Climate Climate map of Iran (Köppen-Geiger)   Hot desert climate   Cold desert climate   Hot semi-arid climate   Cold semi-arid climate   Hot-summer Mediterranean climate   Continental Mediterranean climate Having 11 climates out of the world's 13, Iran's climate is diverse,[203] ranging from arid and semi-arid, to subtropical along the Caspian coast and the northern forests.[204] On the northern edge of the country (the Caspian coastal plain), temperatures rarely fall below freezing and the area remains humid for the rest of the year. Summer temperatures rarely exceed 29 °C (84.2 °F).[205][206] Annual precipitation is 680 mm (26.8 in) in the eastern part of the plain and more than 1,700 mm (66.9 in) in the western part. Gary Lewis, the United Nations Resident Coordinator for Iran, has said that "Water scarcity poses the most severe human security challenge in Iran today".[207] To the west, settlements in the Zagros basin experience lower temperatures, severe winters with below zero average daily temperatures and heavy snowfall. The eastern and central basins are arid, with less than 200 mm (7.9 in) of rain, and have occasional deserts.[208] Average summer temperatures rarely exceed 38 °C (100.4 °F).[205] The coastal plains of the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman in southern Iran have mild winters, and very humid and hot summers. The annual precipitation ranges from 135 to 355 mm (5.3 to 14.0 in).[205] Despite climate change in the region, Iran is by far the largest of the few countries in the world which have not ratified the Paris Agreement.[209] Wildlife See also: Wildlife of Iran Persian leopard, listed as Endangered on the IUCN Red List. The wildlife of Iran includes bears, the Eurasian lynx, foxes, gazelles, gray wolves, jackals, panthers, and wild pigs.[210][211] Domestic animals include Asian water buffaloes, camels, cattle, donkeys, goats, horses, and sheep. Eagles, falcons, partridges, pheasants, and storks are also native to Iran. One of the most famous species of animal is the critically endangered Asiatic cheetah, also known as the Iranian cheetah, whose numbers were greatly reduced after the 1979 Revolution.[212] The Persian leopard, which is the world's largest leopard subspecies and lives primarily in northern Iran, is also endangered.[213] Iran lost all its Asiatic lions and the now extinct Caspian tigers by the earlier part of the 20th century.[214] At least 74 species of Iranian wildlife are on the red list of the International Union for Conservation of Nature, a sign of serious threats against the country's biodiversity. The Iranian Parliament has been showing disregard for wildlife by passing laws and regulations such as the act that lets the Ministry of Industries and Mines exploit mines without the involvement of the Department of Environment, and by approving large national development projects without demanding comprehensive study of their impact on wildlife habitats.[215] Administrative divisions Main articles: Regions of Iran, Provinces of Iran, and Counties of Iran See also: List of Iranian cities by population and List of cities in Iran by province AlborzArdabilBushehrChaharmahal and BakhtiariIsfahanFarsGilanGolestanHamadanHormozganIlamKermanKermanshahKhuzestanKohgiluyeh and Boyer-AhmadKurdistanLorestanMarkaziMazandaranQazvinQomRazavi KhorasanSemnanSistan and BaluchestanTehranYazdZanjanNorth KhorasanSouth KhorasanWest AzerbaijanEast AzerbaijanCaspian SeaPersian GulfTurkmenistanAfghanistanPakistanAzerbaijanArmeniaT u r k e yIraqKuwaitSaudi Arabia Iran is divided into five regions with 31 provinces (ostān, استان),[216] each governed by an appointed governor (ostāndār, استاندار). The provinces are divided into counties (šahrestān, شهرستان), and subdivided into districts (baxš, بخش) and sub-districts (dehestān, دهستان). The country has one of the highest urban growth rates in the world. From 1950 to 2002, the urban proportion of the population increased from 27% to 60%.[217] Most internal migrants have settled around the cities of Tehran, Isfahan, Ahvaz, and Qom. The listed populations are from the 2006/07 (1385 AP) census.[218][failed verification] Iran's most populated cities (2010) Tehran, with a population of around 8.8 million (2016 census), is Iran's capital and largest city. It is an economical and cultural center, and is the hub of the country's communication and transport network. The country's second most populous city, Mashhad, has a population of around 3.3 million (2016 census), and is capital of the province of Razavi Khorasan. Being the site of the Imam Reza shrine, it is a holy city in Shia Islam. About 15 to 20 million pilgrims visit the shrine every year.[219][220] Isfahan has a population of around 2.2 million (2016 census), and is Iran's third most populous city. It is the capital of Isfahan province, and was also the third capital of the Safavid Empire. It is home to a wide variety of historical sites, including the famous Shah Square, Siosepol, and the churches at the Armenian district of New Julfa. It is also home to one of the world's largest shopping malls, Isfahan City Center. The fourth most populous city of Iran, Karaj, has a population of around 1.9 million (2016 census). It is the capital of Alborz province, and is situated 20 km (12 miles) west of Tehran, at the foot of the Alborz mountain range. It is a major industrial city in Iran, with large factories producing sugar, textiles, wire, and alcohol. With a population of around 1.7 million (2016 census), Tabriz is the fifth most populous city of Iran, and had been the second most populous until the late 1960s. It was the first capital of the Safavid Empire and is now the capital of the province of East Azerbaijan. It is also considered the country's second major industrial city (after Tehran). Shiraz, with a population of around 1.8 million (2016 census), is Iran's sixth most populous city. It is the capital of the province of Fars, and was also the capital of Iran under the reign of the Zand dynasty. It is located near the ruins of Persepolis and Pasargadae, two of the four capitals of the Achaemenid Empire.  vte Largest cities or towns in Iran 2016 census Rank Name Province Pop. Rank Name Province Pop. Tehran Tehran Mashhad Mashhad 1 Tehran Tehran 8,693,706 11 Rasht Gilan 679,995 Isfahan Isfahan Karaj Karaj 2 Mashhad Razavi Khorasan 3,001,184 12 Zahedan Sistan and Baluchestan 587,730 3 Isfahan Isfahan 1,961,260 13 Hamadan Hamadan 554,406 4 Karaj Alborz 1,592,492 14 Kerman Kerman 537,718 5 Shiraz Fars 1,565,572 15 Yazd Yazd 529,673 6 Tabriz East Azarbaijan 1,558,693 16 Ardabil Ardabil 529,374 7 Qom Qom 1,201,158 17 Bandar Abbas Hormozgan 526,648 8 Ahvaz Khuzestan 1,184,788 18 Arak Markazi 520,944 9 Kermanshah Kermanshah 946,651 19 Eslamshahr Tehran 448,129 10 Urmia West Azarbaijan 736,224 20 Zanjan Zanjan 430,871 Government and politics Main article: Politics of Iran Main article: Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran Iran's syncretic political system combines elements of an Islamic theocracy with vetted democracy. The political system of the Islamic Republic is based on the 1979 Constitution.[221] Juan José Linz wrote in 2000 that "it is difficult to fit the Iranian regime into the existing typology, as it combines the ideological bent of totalitarianism with the limited pluralism of authoritarianism and holds regular elections in which candidates advocating differing policies and incumbents are often defeated".[222] However, Iran scored lower than Saudi Arabia in the 2021 Democracy Index.[223] Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, meeting with his counterpart, China's paramount leader Xi Jinping on 23 January 2016. Iran and China are strategic allies.[224][225] The Leader of the Revolution ("Supreme Leader") is responsible for delineation and supervision of the policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran.[226] The Iranian president has limited power compared to the Supreme Leader Khamenei.[227] The current longtime Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, has been issuing decrees and making the final decisions on the economy, environment, foreign policy, education, national planning, and everything else in the country.[228][229][230][231][232][233][234][235] Khamenei also outlines elections guidelines and urges for the transparency,[236] and has fired and reinstated presidential cabinet appointments.[237][238] Key ministers are selected with the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's agreement and he has the ultimate say on Iran's foreign policy.[227] The president-elect is required to gain the Leader Khamenei's official approval before being sworn in before the Parliament (Majlis). Through this process, known as Tanfiz (validation), the Leader agrees to the outcome of the presidential election.[citation needed] The Supreme Leader is directly involved in ministerial appointments for Defense, Intelligence and Foreign Affairs, as well as other top ministries after submission of candidates from the president.[239] Iran's regional policy is directly controlled by the office of the Supreme Leader with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' task limited to protocol and ceremonial occasions. All of Iran's ambassadors to Arab countries, for example, are chosen by the Quds Corps, which directly reports to the Supreme Leader.[228] The budget bill for every year, as well as withdrawing money from the National Development Fund of Iran, require Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's approval and permission.[citation needed] The Supreme Leader Khamenei can and did order laws to be amended.[240] Setad, estimated at $95 billion in 2013 by the Reuters, accounts of which are secret even to the Iranian parliament,[241][242] is controlled only by the Supreme Leader.[243][244] Ali Khamenei voting in the 2017 presidential election The Supreme Leader is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, controls the military intelligence and security operations, and has sole power to declare war or peace.[226] The heads of the judiciary, the state radio and television networks, the commanders of the police and military forces, and six of the twelve members of the Guardian Council are directly appointed by the Supreme Leader.[226] The Assembly of Experts is responsible for electing the Supreme Leader, and has the power to dismiss him on the basis of qualifications and popular esteem.[245] To date, the Assembly of Experts has not challenged any of the Supreme Leader's decisions, nor has it attempted to dismiss him.[246] The previous head of the judicial system, Sadeq Larijani, appointed by the Supreme Leader, said that it is illegal for the Assembly of Experts to supervise the Supreme Leader.[247] Due to Khamenei's very longtime unchallenged rule, many believe the Assembly of Experts has become a ceremonial body without any real power.[248][249][250][251] There have been instances when the current Supreme Leader publicly criticized members of the Assembly of Experts, resulting in their arrest and dismissal. For example, Khamenei publicly called then-member of the Assembly of Experts Ahmad Azari Qomi a traitor, resulting in Qomi's arrest and eventual dismissal from the Assembly of Experts. Another instance is when Khamenei indirectly called Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani a traitor for a statement he made, causing Rafsanjani to retract it.[252] Guardian Council Presidential candidates and parliamentary candidates must be approved by the Guardian Council (all members of which are directly or indirectly appointed by the Leader) or the Leader before running to ensure their allegiance to the Supreme Leader.[253] The Leader very rarely does the vetting himself directly but has the power to do so, in which case additional approval of the Guardian Council would not be needed. The Leader can also revert the decisions of the Guardian Council.[254] The Guardian Council can, and has dismissed some elected members of the Iranian parliament in the past.[255] For example, Minoo Khaleghi was disqualified by Guardian Council even after winning election, as she had been photographed in a meeting without wearing headscarf.[256] President Iranian former President Hassan Rouhani meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Iran and Russia are strategic allies.[257][258][259] After the Supreme Leader, the Constitution defines the President of Iran as the highest state authority.[226][260] The President is elected by universal suffrage for a term of four years, however, the president is still required to gain the Leader's official approval before being sworn in before the Parliament (Majlis). The Leader also has the power to dismiss the elected president anytime.[261] The President can only be re-elected for one term.[260] The President is responsible for the implementation of the constitution, and for the exercise of executive powers in implementing the decrees and general policies as outlined by the Supreme Leader, except for matters directly related to the Supreme Leader, who has the final say in all matters.[226] Unlike the executive in other countries, the President of Iran does not have full control over anything, as these are ultimately under the control of the Supreme Leader.[221] Chapter IX of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran sets forth the qualifications for presidential candidates. The procedures for presidential election and all other elections in Iran are outlined by the Supreme Leader.[236][262] The President functions as the executive of affairs such as signing treaties and other international agreements, and administering national planning, budget, and state employment affairs, all as approved by the Supreme Leader.[229][230][262][231][232][233][234][263] The President appoints the ministers, subject to the approval of the Parliament, as well as the approval of the Supreme Leader, who can dismiss or reinstate any of the ministers at any time, regardless of the decisions made by the President or the Parliament.[237][238][264] The President supervises the Council of Ministers, coordinates government decisions, and selects government policies to be placed before the legislature.[265] The current Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, has fired as well as reinstated Council of Ministers members.[266][267] Eight Vice Presidents serve under the President, as well as a cabinet of twenty-two ministers, who must all be approved by the legislature.[268] Legislature The Islamic Consultative Assembly, also known as the Iranian Parliament The legislature of Iran, known as the Islamic Consultative Assembly, is a unicameral body comprising 290 members elected for four-year terms.[269] It drafts legislation, ratifies international treaties, and approves the national budget. All parliamentary candidates and all legislation from the assembly must be approved by the Guardian Council.[270] The Guardian Council comprises twelve jurists, including six appointed by the Supreme Leader. Others are elected by the Parliament, from among the jurists nominated by the Head of the Judiciary.[271][272] The Council interprets the constitution and may veto the Parliament. If a law is deemed incompatible with the constitution or Sharia (Islamic law), it is referred back to the Parliament for revision.[260] The Expediency Council has the authority to mediate disputes between the Parliament and the Guardian Council, and serves as an advisory body to the Supreme Leader, making it one of the most powerful governing bodies in the country.[273] Local city councils are elected by public vote to four-year terms in all cities and villages of Iran. Law Main article: Judicial system of the Islamic Republic of Iran The Supreme Leader appoints the head of the country's judiciary, appointing the head of the Supreme Court and the chief public prosecutor.[246] There are several types of courts, including public courts that deal with civil and criminal cases, and revolutionary courts which deal with certain categories of offenses, such as crimes against national security. The decisions of the revolutionary courts are final and cannot be appealed.[246] The Chief Justice of Iran is the head of the Judicial system of the Islamic Republic of Iran and is responsible for its administration and supervision. He is also the highest judge of the Supreme Court of Iran. The Supreme Leader of Iran appoints and can dismiss the Chief Justice. The Chief Justice nominates some candidates for serving as minister of justice, and then the President select one of them. The Chief Justice can serve for two five-year terms.[274] The Special Clerical Court handles crimes allegedly committed by clerics, although it has also taken on cases involving laypeople. The Special Clerical Court functions independently of the regular judicial framework, and is accountable only to the Supreme Leader. The Court's rulings are final and cannot be appealed.[246] The Assembly of Experts, which meets for one week annually, comprises 86 "virtuous and learned" clerics elected by adult suffrage for eight-year terms. Foreign relations Main article: Foreign relations of Iran   Major Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict locations Since the time of the 1979 Revolution, Iran's foreign relations have often been portrayed as being based on two strategic principles: eliminating outside influences in the region, and pursuing extensive diplomatic contacts with developing and non-aligned countries.[275] Since 2005, Iran's nuclear program has become the subject of contention with the international community, mainly the United States. Many countries have expressed concern that Iran's nuclear program could divert civilian nuclear technology into a weapons program. This has led the United Nations Security Council to impose sanctions against Iran which had further isolated Iran politically and economically from the rest of the global community. In 2009, the U.S. Director of National Intelligence said that Iran, if choosing to, would not be able to develop a nuclear weapon until 2013.[276] Protest against U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel. Tehran, 11 December 2017. As of 2009, the government of Iran maintains diplomatic relations with 99 members of the United Nations,[277] but not with the United States, and not with Israel—a state which Iran's government has derecognized since the 1979 Revolution.[278] Among Muslim nations, Iran has an adversarial relationship with Saudi Arabia due to different political and Islamic ideologies. While Iran is a Shia Islamic Republic, Saudi Arabia is a conservative Sunni monarchy.[279] Regarding the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the government of Iran has recognized Jerusalem as the capital of the State of Palestine, after Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.[280][281][282] Since the 2000s, Iran's controversial nuclear program has raised concerns, which is part of the basis of the international sanctions against the country. On 14 July 2015, Tehran and the P5+1 came to a historic agreement (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) to end economic sanctions in exchange for Iran's restriction in producing enriched uranium after demonstrating a peaceful nuclear research project that would meet the International Atomic Energy Agency standards.[283] Iran is a member of dozens of international organizations, including the G-15, G-24, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, IDA, IDB, IFC, ILO, IMF, IMO, Interpol, OIC, OPEC,[284] WHO, and the United Nations, and currently has observer status at the World Trade Organization. On 17 September 2021 Iran began the processes of becoming a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a Eurasian political, economic, and security alliance.[285][286] Military Main article: Armed Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran See also: Iranian involvement in the Syrian Civil War Sophisticated indigenous long range missile system Bavar-373 paraded in Tehran. The Islamic Republic of Iran has two types of armed forces: the regular forces of the Army, the Air Force, and the Navy, and the Revolutionary Guards, totaling about 545,000 active troops. Iran also has around 350,000 Reserve Force, totaling around 900,000 trained troops.[287] The government of Iran has a paramilitary, volunteer militia force within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, called the Basij, which includes about 90,000 full-time, active-duty uniformed members. Up to 11 million men and women are members of the Basij who could potentially be called up for service. GlobalSecurity.org estimates Iran could mobilize "up to one million men", which would be among the largest troop mobilizations in the world.[288] In 2007, Iran's military spending represented 2.6% of the GDP or $102 per capita, the lowest figure of the Persian Gulf nations.[289] Iran's military doctrine is based on deterrence.[290] In 2014, the country spent $15 billion on arms, while the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council spent eight times more.[291] The government of Iran supports the military activities of its allies in Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon (Hezbollah) with military and financial aid.[292] Iran and Syria are close strategic allies, and Iran has provided significant support for the Syrian Government in the Syrian Civil War.[293] According to some estimates, Iran controlled over 80,000 pro-Assad Shi'ite fighters in Syria.[293][294] Since the 1979 Revolution, to overcome foreign embargoes, the government of Iran has developed its own military industry, produced its own tanks, armored personnel carriers, missiles, submarines, military vessels, missile destroyer, radar systems, helicopters, and fighter planes.[295] In recent years, official announcements have highlighted the development of weapons such as the Hoot, Kowsar, Zelzal, Fateh-110, Shahab-3, Sejjil, and a variety of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).[296] Iran has the largest and most diverse ballistic missile arsenal in the Middle East.[297] The Fajr-3, a liquid fuel missile with an undisclosed range which was developed and produced domestically, is currently the most advanced ballistic missile of the country. In June 1925, Reza Shah introduced conscription law at National Consultative Majlis. At that time, every male person who had reached 21 years old must serve in the military for two years. The conscription exempted women from military service after 1979 revolution. Iranian constitution obliges all men of 18 years old and higher to serve on military or police bases. They cannot leave the country or be employed without completion of the service period.[298] The period varies from 18 to 24 months. Human rights Main articles: Human rights in Iran and Human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran According to international reports, Iran's human rights record is exceptionally poor. The regime in Iran is undemocratic,[299][300] has frequently persecuted and arrested critics of the government and its Supreme Leader, and severely restricts the participation of candidates in popular elections as well as other forms of political activity.[301][302] Women's rights in Iran are described as seriously inadequate,[303] and children's rights have been severely violated, with more child offenders being executed in Iran than in any other country in the world.[304][305] Sexual activity between members of the same sex is illegal and is punishable by up to death.[306][307] Over the past decade, numbers of anti-government protests have broken out throughout Iran (such as the 2019–20 Iranian protests), demanding reforms or the end to the Islamic Republic. However, the IRGC and police often suppressed mass protests violently, resulting in thousands of protesters being killed. Censorship in Iran Main articles: Censorship in Iran, Internet censorship in Iran, and Mass media in Iran Censorship in Iran under the government of the Islamic Republic was ranked among the most extreme worldwide.[308][309][310] Iran also has strict regulations when it comes to internet censorship,[311] with the government and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps persistently blocking social media and other websites.[312][313][314][315][316] In January 2021, Iranian authorities added Signal to the list of blocked social media platforms, which included Facebook, Telegram, Twitter and YouTube. They carried out arbitrary arrests for social media postings deemed "counter-revolutionary" or "un-Islamic".[317] Economy Main article: Economy of Iran See also: Iranian subsidy reform plan, Banking and insurance in Iran, Transport in Iran, and Communications in Iran Iran's provinces by their contribution to national GDP (2020) Historical GDP per capita development A proportional representation of Iran exports, 2019 Iran's economy is a mixture of central planning, state ownership of oil and other large enterprises, village agriculture, and small-scale private trading and service ventures.[318] In 2017, GDP was $427.7 billion ($1.631 trillion at PPP), or $20,000 at PPP per capita.[3] Iran is ranked as a lower-middle income economy by the World Bank.[319] In the early 21st century, the service sector contributed the largest percentage of the GDP, followed by industry (mining and manufacturing) and agriculture.[320] The Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran is responsible for developing and maintaining the Iranian rial, which serves as the country's currency. The government does not recognize trade unions other than the Islamic labour councils, which are subject to the approval of employers and the security services.[321] The minimum wage in June 2013 was 487 million rials a month ($134).[322] Unemployment has remained above 10% since 1997, and the unemployment rate for women is almost double that of the men.[322] In 2006, about 45% of the government's budget came from oil and natural gas revenues, and 31% came from taxes and fees.[323] As of 2007, Iran had earned $70 billion in foreign-exchange reserves, mostly (80%) from crude oil exports.[324] Iranian budget deficits have been a chronic problem, mostly due to large-scale state subsidies, that include foodstuffs and especially gasoline, totaling more than $84 billion in 2008 for the energy sector alone.[325][326] In 2010, the economic reform plan was approved by parliament to cut subsidies gradually and replace them with targeted social assistance. The objective is to move towards free market prices in a five-year period and increase productivity and social justice.[327] The administration continues to follow the market reform plans of the previous one, and indicates that it will diversify Iran's oil-reliant economy. Iran has also developed a biotechnology, nanotechnology, and pharmaceutical industry.[328] However, nationalized industries such as the bonyads have often been managed badly, making them ineffective and uncompetitive with years. Currently, the government is trying to privatize these industries, and, despite successes, there are still several problems to be overcome, such as the lagging corruption in the public sector and lack of competitiveness. Iran has leading manufacturing industries in the fields of automobile manufacture, transportation, construction materials, home appliances, food and agricultural goods, armaments, pharmaceuticals, information technology, and petrochemicals in the Middle East.[329] According to the 2012 data from the Food and Agriculture Organization, Iran has been among the world's top five producers of apricots, cherries, sour cherries, cucumbers and gherkins, dates, eggplants, figs, pistachios, quinces, walnuts, and watermelons.[330] Economic sanctions against Iran, such as the embargo against Iranian crude oil, have injured the economy.[331] In 2015, Iran and the P5+1 reached a deal on the nuclear program that removed the main sanctions pertaining to Iran's nuclear program by 2016.[332] According to the BBC, renewed U.S. sanctions against Iran "have led to a sharp downturn in Iran's economy, pushing the value of its currency to record lows, quadrupling its annual inflation rate, driving away foreign investors, and triggering protests."[333] Tourism Main article: Tourism in Iran More than a million tourists visit Kish Island each year.[334] Although tourism declined significantly during the war with Iraq, it has been subsequently recovered.[335] About 1,659,000 foreign tourists visited Iran in 2004, and 2.3 million in 2009, mostly from Asian countries, including the republics of Central Asia, while about 10% came from the European Union and North America.[336][337] Since the removal of some sanctions against Iran in 2015, tourism has re-surged in the country. Over five million tourists visited Iran in the fiscal year of 2014–2015, four percent more than the previous year.[338][339] Alongside the capital, the most popular tourist destinations are Isfahan, Mashhad, and Shiraz.[340] In the early 2000s, the industry faced serious limitations in infrastructure, communications, industry standards, and personnel training.[341] The majority of the 300,000 travel visas granted in 2003 were obtained by Asian Muslims, who presumably intended to visit pilgrimage sites in Mashhad and Qom.[citation needed] Several organized tours from Germany, France, and other European countries come to Iran annually to visit archaeological sites and monuments. In 2003, Iran ranked 68th in tourism revenues worldwide.[342] According to the UNESCO and the deputy head of research for Iran's Tourism Organization, Iran is rated fourth among the top 10 destinations in the Middle East.[342] Domestic tourism in Iran is one of the largest in the world.[343][344][345] Weak advertising, unstable regional conditions, a poor public image in some parts of the world, and absence of efficient planning schemes in the tourism sector have all hindered the growth of tourism. Transportation Main article: Transport in Iran Iran has a long paved road system linking most of its towns and all of its cities. In 2011 the country had 173,000 kilometers (107,000 mi) of roads, of which 73% were paved.[346] In 2008 there were nearly 100 passenger cars for every 1,000 inhabitants.[347] Trains operate on 11,106 km (6,942 mi) of railroad track.[348] The country's major port of entry is Bandar-Abbas on the Strait of Hormuz. After arriving in Iran, imported goods are distributed throughout the country by trucks and freight trains. The Tehran–Bandar-Abbas railroad, opened in 1995, connects Bandar-Abbas to the railroad system of Central Asia via Tehran and Mashhad. Other major ports include Bandar e-Anzali and Bandar e-Torkeman on the Caspian Sea and Khorramshahr and Bandar-e Emam Khomeyni on the Persian Gulf. Dozens of cities have airports that serve passenger and cargo planes. Iran Air, the national airline, was founded in 1962 and operated domestic and international flights. All large cities have mass transit systems using buses, and several private companies provide bus services between cities. Transport in Iran is inexpensive because of the government's subsidization of the price of gasoline. The downside is a huge draw on government coffers, economic inefficiency because of highly wasteful consumption patterns, smuggling to neighboring countries and air pollution. In 2008, more than one million people worked in the transportation sector, accounting for 9% of GDP.[349] Energy Main articles: Energy in Iran, Petroleum industry in Iran, Nuclear program of Iran, and Foreign direct investment in Iran Iran holds 10% of the world's proven oil reserves and 15% of its gas. It is OPEC's second-largest exporter and the world's 7th largest oil producer.[350] Iran has the world's second largest proved gas reserves after Russia, with 33.6 trillion cubic meters,[351] and the third largest natural gas production after Indonesia and Russia. It also ranks fourth in oil reserves with an estimated 153,600,000,000 barrels.[352][353] It is OPEC's second largest oil exporter, and is an energy superpower.[354] In 2005, Iran spent US$4 billion on fuel imports, because of contraband and inefficient domestic use.[355] Oil industry output averaged 4 million barrels per day (640,000 m3/d) in 2005, compared with the peak of six million barrels per day reached in 1974. In the early 2000s, industry infrastructure was increasingly inefficient because of technological lags. Few exploratory wells were drilled in 2005. In 2004, a large share of Iran's natural gas reserves were untapped. The addition of new hydroelectric stations and the streamlining of conventional coal and oil-fired stations increased installed capacity to 33,000 megawatts. Of that amount, about 75% was based on natural gas, 18% on oil, and 7% on hydroelectric power. In 2004, Iran opened its first wind-powered and geothermal plants, and the first solar thermal plant was to come online in 2009. Iran is the world's third country to have developed GTL technology.[356] Demographic trends and intensified industrialization have caused electric power demand to grow by 8% per year. The government's goal of 53,000 megawatts of installed capacity by 2010 is to be reached by bringing on line new gas-fired plants, and adding hydropower and nuclear power generation capacity. Iran's first nuclear power plant at Bushire went online in 2011. It is the second nuclear power plant ever built in the Middle East after the Metsamor Nuclear Power Plant in Armenia.[357][358] Education, science and technology Main articles: Education in Iran and Science and technology in Iran Literacy rate of Iran's population plus 15, 1975–2015, according to UNESCO Institute of Statistics Education in Iran is highly centralized. K–12 is supervised by the Ministry of Education, and higher education is under the supervision of the Ministry of Science and Technology. According to Fars News Agency, the adult literacy rated 93.0% in September 2015,[359] while according to UNESCO it had rated 85.0% in 2008 (up from 36.5% in 1976).[360] According to the data provided by UNESCO, Iran's literacy rate among people aged 15 years and older was 85.54% as of 2016, with men (90.35%) being significantly more educated than women (80.79%), with the number of illiterate people of the same age amounting to around 8,700,000 of the country's 85 million population.[361] According to this report, Iranian government's expenditure on education amounts to around 4% of the GDP. The requirement to enter into higher education is to have a high school diploma and pass the Iranian University Entrance Exam (officially known as konkur (کنکور)), which is the equivalent of the SAT and ACT exams of the United States. Many students do a 1–2-year course of pre-university (piš-dānešgāh), which is the equivalent of the GCE A-levels and the International Baccalaureate. The completion of the pre-university course earns students the Pre-University Certificate.[362] Sharif University of Technology is one of Iran's most prestigious higher education institutions. Iran's higher education is sanctioned by different levels of diplomas, including an associate degree (kārdāni; also known as fowq e diplom) delivered in two years, a bachelor's degree (kāršenāsi; also known as lisāns) delivered in four years, and a master's degree (kāršenāsi e aršad) delivered in two years, after which another exam allows the candidate to pursue a doctoral program (PhD; known as doktorā).[363] According to the Webometrics Ranking of World Universities (as of January 2017), Iran's top five universities include Tehran University of Medical Sciences (478th worldwide), the University of Tehran (514th worldwide), Sharif University of Technology (605th worldwide), Amirkabir University of Technology (726th worldwide), and the Tarbiat Modares University (789th worldwide).[364] Iran was ranked 60th in the Global Innovation Index in 2021, up from 67th in 2020.[365][366][367] Iran has increased its publication output nearly tenfold from 1996 through 2004, and has been ranked first in terms of output growth rate, followed by China.[368] According to a study by SCImago in 2012, Iran would rank fourth in the world in terms of research output by 2018, if the current trend persists.[369] The production line for AryoSeven at the Iranian biopharmaceutical company of AryoGen In 2009, a SUSE Linux-based HPC system made by the Aerospace Research Institute of Iran (ARI) was launched with 32 cores, and now runs 96 cores. Its performance was pegged at 192 GFLOPS.[370] The Iranian humanoid robot Sorena 2, which was designed by engineers at the University of Tehran, was unveiled in 2010. The Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) has placed the name of Surena among the five prominent robots of the world after analyzing its performance.[371] In the biomedical sciences, Iran's Institute of Biochemistry and Biophysics has a UNESCO chair in biology.[372] In late 2006, Iranian scientists successfully cloned a sheep by somatic cell nuclear transfer, at the Royan Research Center in Tehran.[373] According to a study by David Morrison and Ali Khadem Hosseini (Harvard-MIT and Cambridge), stem cell research in Iran is amongst the top 10 in the world.[374] Iran ranks 15th in the world in nanotechnologies.[375][376][377] Simorgh launch, Iranian Space Agency Iran placed its domestically built satellite Omid into orbit on the 30th anniversary of the 1979 Revolution, on 2 February 2009,[378] through its first expendable launch vehicle Safir, becoming the ninth country in the world capable of both producing a satellite and sending it into space from a domestically made launcher.[379] The Iranian nuclear program was launched in the 1950s. Iran is the seventh country to produce uranium hexafluoride, and controls the entire nuclear fuel cycle.[380][381] Iranian scientists outside Iran have also made some major contributions to science. In 1960, Ali Javan co-invented the first gas laser, and fuzzy set theory was introduced by Lotfi A. Zadeh.[382] Iranian cardiologist Tofigh Mussivand invented and developed the first artificial cardiac pump, the precursor of the artificial heart. Furthering research and treatment of diabetes, the HbA1c was discovered by Samuel Rahbar. A substantial number of papers in string theory are published in Iran.[383] Iranian American string theorist Cumrun Vafa proposed the Vafa–Witten theorem together with Edward Witten. In August 2014, Iranian mathematician Maryam Mirzakhani became the first woman, as well as the first Iranian, to receive the Fields Medal, the highest prize in mathematics.[384] Demographics Main article: Demographics of Iran See also: Healthcare in Iran Population of Iranian provinces and counties in 2021. Iran's population growth (1880–2016) Iran is a diverse country, consisting of numerous ethnic and linguistic groups that are unified through a shared Iranian nationality.[385] Iran's population grew rapidly during the latter half of the 20th century, increasing from about 19 million in 1956 to more than 84 million by July 2020.[386][387] However, Iran's fertility rate has dropped significantly in recent years, coming down from a fertility rate of 6.5 per woman to just a little more than 2 two decades later,[388][389] leading to a population growth rate of about 1.39% as of 2018.[390] Due to its young population, studies project that the growth will continue to slow until it stabilizes around 105 million by 2050.[391][392][393] Iran hosts one of the largest refugee populations in the world, with almost one million refugees,[394] mostly from Afghanistan and Iraq.[395] Since 2006, Iranian officials have been working with the UNHCR and Afghan officials for their repatriation.[396] According to estimates, about five million Iranian citizens have emigrated to other countries, mostly since the 1979 Revolution.[397][398] According to the Iranian Constitution, the government is required to provide every citizen of the country with access to social security, covering retirement, unemployment, old age, disability, accidents, calamities, health and medical treatment and care services.[399] This is covered by tax revenues and income derived from public contributions.[400] Languages Main article: Languages of Iran The majority of the population speaks Persian, which is also the official language of the country. Others include speakers of several other Iranian languages within the greater Indo-European family and languages belonging to some other ethnicities living in Iran. In northern Iran, mostly confined to Gilan and Mazenderan, the Gilaki and Mazenderani languages are widely spoken, both having affinities to the neighboring Caucasian languages. In parts of Gilan, the Talysh language is also widely spoken, which stretches up to the neighboring Republic of Azerbaijan. Varieties of Kurdish are widely spoken in the province of Kurdistan and nearby areas. In Khuzestan, several distinct varieties of Persian are spoken. Luri and Lari are also spoken in southern Iran. Azerbaijani, which is by far the most spoken language in the country after Persian,[401] as well as several other Turkic languages and dialects, is spoken in various regions of Iran, especially in the region of Azerbaijan. Notable minority languages in Iran include Armenian, Georgian, Neo-Aramaic, and Arabic. Khuzi Arabic is spoken by the Arabs in Khuzestan, as well as the wider group of Iranian Arabs. Circassian was also once widely spoken by the large Circassian minority, but, due to assimilation over the many years, no sizable number of Circassians speak the language anymore.[402][403][404][405] Percentages of spoken language continue to be a point of debate, as many opt that they are politically motivated; most notably regarding the largest and second largest ethnicities in Iran, the Persians and Azerbaijanis. Percentages given by the CIA's World Factbook include 53% Persian, 16% Azerbaijani, 10% Kurdish, 7% Mazenderani and Gilaki, 7% Luri, 2% Turkmen, 2% Balochi, 2% Arabic, and 2% the remainder Armenian, Georgian, Neo-Aramaic, and Circassian.[3] Ethnic groups Main article: Ethnicities in Iran Iran's provinces by population density (2013) As with the spoken languages, the ethnic group composition also remains a point of debate, mainly regarding the largest and second largest ethnic groups, the Persians and Azerbaijanis, due to the lack of Iranian state censuses based on ethnicity. The CIA's World Factbook has estimated that around 79% of the population of Iran is a diverse Indo-European ethno-linguistic group that comprise speakers of various Iranian languages,[406] with Persians (including Mazenderanis and Gilaks) constituting 61% of the population, Kurds 10%, Lurs 6%, and Balochs 2%. Peoples of other ethnolinguistic groups make up the remaining 21%, with Azerbaijanis constituting 16%, Arabs 2%, Turkmens and other Turkic tribes 2%, and others (such as Armenians, Talysh, Georgians, Circassians, Assyrians) 1%.[3] The Library of Congress issued slightly different estimates: 65% Persians (including Mazenderanis, Gilaks, and the Talysh), 16% Azerbaijanis, 7% Kurds, 6% Lurs, 2% Baloch, 1% Turkic tribal groups (incl. Qashqai and Turkmens), and non-Iranian, non-Turkic groups (incl. Armenians, Georgians, Assyrians, Circassians, and Arabs) less than 3%. It determined that Persian is the first language of at least 65% of the country's population, and is the second language for most of the remaining 35%.[407] Religion Main articles: Religion in Iran and Irreligion in Iran See also: Islamization of Iran Iranian people by religion, 2011 General Census Results[408] Religion Percent Number Muslim 99.3989% (90–95% Shia) 74,682,938 Christian 0.1566% 117,704 Zoroastrian 0.0336% 25,271 Jewish 0.0117% 8,756 Other 0.0653% 49,101 Undeclared 0.3538% 205,317 Twelver Shia Islam is the official state religion, to which about 90% to 95%[409][410] of the population adhere. About 4% to 8% of the population are Sunni Muslims, mainly Kurds and Baloches. The remaining 2% are non-Muslim religious minorities, including Christians, Zoroastrians, Jews, Baháʼís, Mandeans, and Yarsanis.[3][411] A 2020 survey by the World Values Survey found that 96.6% of Iranians believe in Islam.[412] On the other hand, another 2020 survey conducted online by an organization based outside of Iran found a much smaller percentage of Iranians identifying as Muslim (32.2% as Shia, 5.0% as Sunni, and 3.2% as Sufi), and a significant fraction not identifying with any organized religion (22.2% identifying as "None," and some others identifying as atheists, spiritual, agnostics, and secular humanists).[413][414][415][416][417] According to the CIA World Factbook, around 90–95% of Iranian Muslims associate themselves with the Shia branch of Islam, the official state religion, and about 5–10% with the Sunni and Sufi branches of Islam.[418] There are a large population of adherents of Yarsanism, a Kurdish indigenous religion, making it the largest (unrecognized) minority religion in Iran. Its followers are mainly Gorani Kurds and certain groups of Lurs. They are based in Kurdistan Province, Kermanshah Province and Lorestan mainly. Christianity, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and the Sunni branch of Islam are officially recognized by the government and have reserved seats in the Iranian Parliament.[149] Historically, early Iranian religions such as the Proto-Iranic religion and the subsequent Zoroastrianism and Manichaeism were the dominant religions in Iran, particularly during the Median, Achaemenid, Parthian, and Sasanian eras. This changed after the fall of the Sasanian Empire by the centuries-long Islamization that followed the Muslim Conquest of Iran. Iran was predominantly Sunni until the conversion of the country (as well as the people of what is today the neighboring Republic of Azerbaijan) to Shia Islam by order of the Safavid dynasty in the 16th century.[130] Judaism has a long history in Iran, dating back to the Achaemenid conquest of Babylonia. Although many left in the wake of the establishment of the State of Israel and the 1979 Revolution, about 8,756[419] to 25,000[420] Jewish people live in Iran. Iran has the largest Jewish population in the Middle East outside of Israel.[421] Around 250,000 to 370,000 Christians reside in Iran,[422][423] and Christianity is the country's largest recognized minority religion.[424] Most are of Armenian background, as well as a sizable minority of Assyrians.[425] A large number of Iranians have converted to Christianity from the predominant Shia Islam.[426][427][428][429] The Baháʼí Faith is not officially recognized and has been subject to official persecution.[430] According to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, Baháʼís are the largest non-Muslim religious minority in Iran, with an estimated 350,000 adherents.[431] Since the 1979 Revolution, the persecution of Baháʼís has increased with executions and denial of civil rights, especially the denial of access to higher education and employment.[430][432][433] Iranian officials have continued to support the rebuilding and renovation of Armenian churches in the Islamic Republic. The Armenian Monastic Ensembles of Iran has also received continued support. In 2019, the Iranian government registered the Holy Savior Cathedral, commonly referred to as Vank Cathedral, in the New Julfa district of Isfahan, as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, with significant expenditures for its congregation. Currently three Armenian churches in Iran have been included in the UNESCO World Heritage List.[434][435] Culture Main article: Culture of Iran The earliest attested cultures in Iran date back to the Lower Paleolithic. Owing to its geopolitical position, Iran has influenced cultures as far as Greece and Italy to the west, Russia to the north, the Arabian Peninsula to the south, and south and east Asia to the east. Art Main articles: Iranian art and Arts of Iran See also: Achaemenid architecture, Parthian art, Sasanian art, Safavid art, Qajar art, and Iranian modern and contemporary art Iron Age gold cup from Marlik, kept at New York City's Metropolitan Museum of Art The art of Iran encompasses many disciplines, including architecture, stonemasonry, metalworking, weaving, pottery, painting, and calligraphy. Iranian works of art show a great variety in style, in different regions and periods.[436] The art of the Medes remains obscure, but has been theoretically attributed to the Scythian style.[437] The Achaemenids borrowed heavily from the art of their neighboring civilizations,[438] but produced a synthesis of a unique style,[439] with an eclectic architecture remaining at sites such as Persepolis and Pasargadae. Greek iconography was imported by the Seleucids, followed by the recombination of Hellenistic and earlier Near Eastern elements in the art of the Parthians,[440] with remains such as the Temple of Anahita and the Statue of the Parthian Nobleman. By the time of the Sasanians, Iranian art came across a general renaissance.[441] Although of unclear development,[442] Sasanian art was highly influential, and spread into far regions. Taq-e-Bostan, Taq-e-Kasra, Naqsh-e-Rostam, and the Shapur-Khwast Castle are among the surviving monuments from the Sasanian period. During the Middle Ages, Sasanian art played a prominent role in the formation of both European and Asian medieval art,[94] which carried forward to the Islamic world, and much of what later became known as Islamic learning—including medicine, architecture, philosophy, philology, and literature—were of Sasanian basis.[443][444][445][446] The Safavid era is known as the Golden Age of Iranian art,[447] and Safavid works of art show a far more unitary development than in any other period,[448] as part of a political evolution that reunified Iran as a cultural entity.[448] Safavid art exerted noticeable influences upon the neighboring Ottomans, the Mughals, and the Deccans, and was also influential through its fashion and garden architecture on 11th–17th-century Europe.[448] Kamal-ol-Molk's Mirror Hall, often considered a starting point in Iranian modern art[449] Iran's contemporary art traces its origins back to the time of Kamal-ol-Molk,[450] a prominent realist painter at the court of the Qajar dynasty who affected the norms of painting and adopted a naturalistic style that would compete with photographic works. A new Iranian school of fine art was established by Kamal-ol-Molk in 1928,[450] and was followed by the so-called "coffeehouse" style of painting. Iran's avant-garde modernists emerged by the arrival of new western influences during World War II.[450] The vibrant contemporary art scene originates in the late 1940s, and Tehran's first modern art gallery, Apadana, was opened in September 1949 by painters Mahmud Javadipur, Hosein Kazemi, and Hushang Ajudani.[451] The new movements received official encouragement by the mid-1950s,[450] which led to the emergence of artists such as Marcos Grigorian, signaling a commitment to the creation of a form of modern art grounded in Iran.[452] Architecture Main articles: Iranian architecture and Persian gardens Ruins of the Tachara, part of the World Heritage Site of Persepolis. Isfahan's World Heritage Site of Naqsh-e Jahan Square. The history of architecture in Iran goes back to the seventh millennium BC.[453] Iranians were among the first to use mathematics, geometry and astronomy in architecture. Iranian architecture displays great variety, both structural and aesthetic, developing gradually and coherently out of earlier traditions and experience.[454] The guiding motif of Iranian architecture is its cosmic symbolism, "by which man is brought into communication and participation with the powers of heaven".[455] Iran ranks seventh among UNESCO's list of countries with the most archaeological ruins and attractions from antiquity.[456] Traditionally, the guiding formative motif of Iranian architecture has been its cosmic symbolism "by which man is brought into communication and participation with the powers of heaven".[457] This theme has not only given unity and continuity to the architecture of Persia but has been a primary source of its emotional character as well. According to Persian historian and archaeologist Arthur Pope, the supreme Iranian art, in the proper meaning of the word, has always been its architecture. The supremacy of architecture applies to both pre- and post-Islamic periods.[458] Weaving Main article: Persian carpet Iran's carpet-weaving has its origins in the Bronze Age and is one of the most distinguished manifestations of Iranian art. Iran is the world's largest producer and exporter of handmade carpets, producing three-quarters of the world's total output and having a share of 30% of world's export markets.[459][460] Literature Main articles: Literature in Iran, Iranian literature, and Persian literature Tomb of the 10th-century Persian poet Ferdowsi, author of Šāhnāme, the classical Persian composition of the Iranian national epics, in Tus Iran's oldest literary tradition is that of Avestan, the Old Iranian sacred language of the Avesta, which consists of the legendary and religious texts of Zoroastrianism and the ancient Iranian religion, with its earliest records dating back to the pre-Achaemenid times.[461] Of the various modern languages used in Iran, Persian, various dialects of which are spoken throughout the Iranian Plateau,[462][463] has the most influential literature. Persian has been dubbed as a worthy language to serve as a conduit for poetry, and is considered one of the four main bodies of world literature.[464] Despite originating from the region of Persis (better known as Persia) in southwestern Iran, the Persian language was used and developed further through Persianate societies in Asia Minor, Central Asia, and South Asia, leaving massive influences on Ottoman and Mughal literatures, among others. Iran has a number of famous medieval poets, most notably Rumi, Ferdowsi, Hafez, Sa'adi, Omar Khayyam, and Nezami Ganjavi.[465] Iranian literature also inspired writers such as Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Henry David Thoreau, and Ralph Waldo Emerson.[112][113][114] Philosophy Main articles: Ancient philosophy § Ancient Iranian philosophy, and Iranian philosophy Zoroaster, the founder of Zoroastrianism, depicted on Raphael's The School of Athens Iranian philosophy originates from Indo-European roots, with Zoroaster's reforms having major influences. According to The Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy, the chronology of the subject and science of philosophy starts with the Indo-Iranians, dating this event to 1500 BC. The Oxford dictionary also states, "Zarathushtra's philosophy entered to influence Western tradition through Judaism, and therefore on Middle Platonism." While there are ancient relations between the Indian Vedas and the Iranian Avesta, the two main families of the Indo-Iranian philosophical traditions were characterized by fundamental differences, especially in their implications for the human being's position in society and their view of man's role in the universe. The Cyrus Cylinder, which is known as "the first charter of human rights", is often seen as a reflection of the questions and thoughts expressed by Zoroaster, and developed in Zoroastrian schools of the Achaemenid era.[466][467] The earliest tenets of Zoroastrian schools are part of the extant scriptures of the Zoroastrian religion in Avestan. Among them are treatises such as the Zatspram, Shkand-gumanik Vizar, and Denkard, as well as older passages of the Avesta and the Gathas.[468] The current trends in Iranian philosophy have grown limited in scope because of Islamic frames of thought [469] although the liberal ways of thought remain open to be generated in Iranian publications by Iranian intellectuals, especially outside Iran, where the Iranian regime has less power to restrict Iranian thought and philosophy. Mythology Main articles: Persian mythology and Iranian folklore Iranian mythology consists of ancient Iranian folklore and stories, all involving extraordinary beings, reflecting attitudes towards the confrontation of good and evil, actions of the gods, and the exploits of heroes and fabulous creatures. Myths play a crucial part in Iranian culture, and understanding of them is increased when they are considered within the context of actual events in Iranian history. The geography of Greater Iran, a vast area covering present-day Iran, the Caucasus, Anatolia, Mesopotamia and Central Asia, with its high mountain ranges, plays the main role in much of Iranian mythology. Tenth-century Persian poet Ferdowsi's long epic poem Šāhnāme ("Book of Kings"), which is for the most part based on Xwadāynāmag, a Middle Persian compilation of the history of Iranian kings and heroes from mythical times down to the reign of Chosroes II,[470] is considered the national epic of Iran. It draws heavily on the stories and characters of the Zoroastrian tradition, from the texts of the Avesta, the Denkard, and the Bundahishn. Music Main article: Music of Iran Iran is the apparent birthplace of the earliest complex instruments, dating back to the third millennium BC.[471] The use of both vertical and horizontal angular harps have been documented at the sites Madaktu and Kul-e Farah, with the largest collection of Elamite instruments documented at Kul-e Farah. Multiple depictions of horizontal harps were also sculpted in Assyrian palaces, dating back between 865 and 650 BC. Karna, an ancient Iranian musical instrument from the 6th century BC, kept at the Persepolis Museum Xenophon's Cyropaedia mentions a great number of singing women at the court of the Achaemenid Empire. Athenaeus of Naucratis, in his Deipnosophistae, points out to the capture of Achaemenid singing girls at the court of the last Achaemenid king Darius III (336–330 BC) by Macedonian general Parmenion. Under the Parthian Empire, the gōsān (Parthian for "minstrel") had a prominent role in the society.[472] According to Plutarch's Life of Crassus (32.3), they praised their national heroes and ridiculed their Roman rivals. Likewise, Strabo's Geographica reports that the Parthian youth were taught songs about "the deeds both of the gods and of the noblest men".[473] The history of Sasanian music is better documented than the earlier periods and is especially more evident in Avestan texts.[474] By the time of Chosroes II, the Sasanian royal court hosted a number of prominent musicians, namely Azad, Bamshad, Barbad, Nagisa, Ramtin, and Sarkash. Iranian traditional musical instruments include string instruments such as chang (harp), qanun, santur, rud (oud, barbat), tar, dotar, setar, tanbur, and kamanche, wind instruments such as sorna (zurna, karna) and ney, and percussion instruments such as tompak, kus, daf (dayere), and naqare. Iran's first symphony orchestra, the Tehran Symphony Orchestra, was founded by Qolam-Hoseyn Minbashian in 1933. It was reformed by Parviz Mahmoud in 1946, and is currently Iran's oldest and largest symphony orchestra. Later, by the late 1940s, Ruhollah Khaleqi founded the country's first national music society, and established the School of National Music in 1949.[475] Iranian pop music has its origins in the Qajar era.[476] It was significantly developed since the 1950s, using indigenous instruments and forms accompanied by electric guitar and other imported characteristics. The emergence of genres such as rock in the 1960s and hip hop in the 2000s also resulted in major movements and influences in Iranian music.[477][478][479][480] Theater Main articles: Persian theater and Persian dance The Roudaki Hall, constructed between 1957 and 1967 in Tehran The earliest recorded representations of dancing figures within Iran were found in prehistoric sites such as Tepe Sialk and Tepe Mūsīān.[481] The oldest Iranian initiation of theater and the phenomena of acting can be traced in the ancient epic ceremonial theaters such as Sug-e Siāvuš ("mourning of Siāvaš"), as well as dances and theater narrations of Iranian mythological tales reported by Herodotus and Xenophon. Iran's traditional theatrical genres include Baqqāl-bāzi ("grocer play", a form of slapstick comedy), Ruhowzi (or Taxt-howzi, comedy performed over a courtyard pool covered with boards), Siāh-bāzi (in which the central comedian appears in blackface), Sāye-bāzi (shadow play), Xeyme-šab-bāzi (marionette), and Arusak-bāzi (puppetry), and Ta'zie (religious tragedy plays).[482] Before the 1979 Revolution, the Iranian national stage had become a famous performing scene for known international artists and troupes,[483] with the Roudaki Hall of Tehran constructed to function as the national stage for opera and ballet. Opened on 26 October 1967, the hall is home to the Tehran Symphony Orchestra, the Tehran Opera Orchestra, and the Iranian National Ballet Company, and was officially renamed Vahdat Hall after the 1979 Revolution. Loris Tjeknavorian's Rostam and Sohrab, based on the tragedy of Rostam and Sohrab from Ferdowsi's epic poem Šāhnāme, is an example of opera with Persian libretto. Tjeknavorian, a celebrated Iranian Armenian composer and conductor, composed it in 25 years, and it was finally performed for the first time at Tehran's Roudaki Hall, with Darya Dadvar in the role of Tahmina. Cinema and animation Main articles: Cinema of Iran and History of Iranian animation Reproduction of the 3rd-millennium BC goblet from southeastern Iran, possibly the world's oldest example of animation.[484] A third-millennium BC earthen goblet discovered at the Burnt City, a Bronze Age urban settlement in southeastern Iran, depicts what could possibly be the world's oldest example of animation. The artifact, associated with Jiroft, bears five sequential images depicting a wild goat jumping up to eat the leaves of a tree.[485][486] The earliest attested Iranian examples of visual representations, however, are traced back to the bas-reliefs of Persepolis, the ritual center of the Achaemenid Empire. The figures at Persepolis remain bound by the rules of grammar and syntax of visual language.[487] The Iranian visual arts reached a pinnacle by the Sasanian era, and several works from this period have been found to articulate movements and actions in a highly sophisticated manner. It is even possible to see a progenitor of the cinematic close-up shot in one of these works of art, which shows a wounded wild pig escaping from the hunting ground.[488] Abbas Kiarostami (1940–2016), an acclaimed Iranian film director By the early 20th century, the five-year-old industry of cinema came to Iran. The first Iranian filmmaker was probably Mirza Ebrahim (Akkas Bashi), the court photographer of Mozaffar-ed-Din Shah of the Qajar dynasty. Mirza Ebrahim obtained a camera and filmed the Qajar ruler's visit to Europe. Later in 1904, Mirza Ebrahim (Sahhaf Bashi), a businessman, opened the first public movie theater in Tehran.[489] After him, several others like Russi Khan, Ardeshir Khan, and Ali Vakili tried to establish new movie theaters in Tehran. Until the early 1930s, there were around 15 cinema theaters in Tehran and 11 in other provinces.[488] The first Iranian feature film, Abi and Rabi, was a silent comedy directed by Ovanes Ohanian in 1930. The first sounded one, Lor Girl, was produced by Ardeshir Irani and Abd-ol-Hosein Sepanta in 1932. Iran's animation industry began by the 1950s, and was followed by the establishment of the influential Institute for the Intellectual Development of Children and Young Adults in January 1965.[490][491] The 1960s was a significant decade for Iranian cinema, with 25 commercial films produced annually on average throughout the early 60s, increasing to 65 by the end of the decade. The majority of the production focused on melodrama and thrillers. With the screening of the films Qeysar and The Cow, directed by Masoud Kimiai and Dariush Mehrjui respectively in 1969, alternative films set out to establish their status in the film industry and Bahram Beyzai's Downpour and Nasser Taghvai's Tranquility in the Presence of Others followed soon. Attempts to organize a film festival, which had begun in 1954 within the framework of the Golrizan Festival, resulted in the festival of Sepas in 1969. The endeavors also resulted in the formation of Tehran's World Film Festival in 1973.[492] Behrouz Vossoughi, a well-known Iranian actor who has appeared in more than 90 films After the Revolution of 1979, and following the Cultural Revolution, a new age emerged in Iranian cinema, starting with Long Live! by Khosrow Sinai and followed by many other directors, such as Abbas Kiarostami and Jafar Panahi. Kiarostami, an acclaimed Iranian director, planted Iran firmly on the map of world cinema when he won the Palme d'Or for Taste of Cherry in 1997.[493] The continuous presence of Iranian films in prestigious international festivals, such as the Cannes Film Festival, the Venice Film Festival, and the Berlin International Film Festival, attracted world attention to Iranian masterpieces.[494] In 2006, six Iranian films, of six different styles, represented Iranian cinema at the Berlin International Film Festival. Critics considered this a remarkable event in the history of Iranian cinema.[495][496] Asghar Farhadi, a well-known Iranian director, has received a Golden Globe Award and two Academy Awards, representing Iran for Best Foreign Language Film in 2012 and 2017. In 2012, he was named as one of the 100 Most Influential People in the world by the American news magazine Time. Observances See also: List of festivals in Iran Haft-Seen, a customary of Nowruz, the Iranian New Year Iran's official New Year begins with Nowruz, an ancient Iranian tradition celebrated annually on the vernal equinox. It is enjoyed by people adhering to different religions, but is considered a holiday for the Zoroastrians. It was registered on the UNESCO's list of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in 2009,[497] described as the Persian New Year,[498][499][500][501] shared with a number of other countries in which it has historically been celebrated. On the eve of the last Wednesday of the preceding year, as a prelude to Nowruz, the ancient festival of Čāršanbe Suri celebrates Ātar ("fire") by performing rituals such as jumping over bonfires and lighting off firecrackers and fireworks.[502][503] The Nowruz celebrations last by the end of the 13th day of the Iranian year (Farvardin 13, usually coincided with 1 or 2 April), celebrating the festival of Sizdebedar, during which the people traditionally go outdoors to picnic.[citation needed] Yaldā, another nationally celebrated ancient tradition,[504] commemorates the ancient goddess Mithra and marks the longest night of the year on the eve of the winter solstice (čelle ye zemestān; usually falling on 20 or 21 December),[505][506] during which families gather together to recite poetry and eat fruits—particularly the red fruits watermelon and pomegranate, as well as mixed nuts.[507][508] In some regions of the provinces of Mazanderan and Markazi,[509][510][511][512] there is also the midsummer festival of Tirgān,[513] which is observed on Tir 13 (2 or 3 July) as a celebration of water.[514][515] Alongside the ancient Iranian celebrations, Islamic annual events such as Ramezān, Eid e Fetr, and Ruz e Āšurā are marked by the country's large Muslim population, Christian traditions such as Noel,[516] Čelle ye Ruze, and Eid e Pāk[517] are observed by the Christian communities, Jewish traditions such as Purim,[518] Hanukā,[519] and Eid e Fatir (Pesah)[520][521] are observed by the Jewish communities, and Zoroastrian traditions such as Sade[522] and Mehrgān are observed by the Zoroastrians. Public holidays Main article: Public holidays in Iran See also: Iranian calendars Iran's official calendar is the Solar Hejri calendar, beginning at the vernal equinox in the Northern Hemisphere, which was first enacted by the Iranian Parliament on 31 March 1925.[523] Each of the 12 months of the Solar Hejri calendar correspond with a zodiac sign, and the length of each year is absolutely solar.[523] The months are named after the ancient Iranian months,[523] namely Farvardin (Fravaši), Ordibehešt (Aša Vahišta), Xordād (Haurvatāt), Tir (Tištrya), Amordād (Amərətāt), Šahrivar (Xšaθra Vairya), Mehr (Miθra), Ābān (Āpō), Āzar (Ātar), Dey (Daθuš), Bahman (Vohu Manah), and Esfand (Spəntā Ārmaiti). Alternatively, the Lunar Hejri calendar is used to indicate Islamic events, and the Gregorian calendar remarks the international events. Legal public holidays based on the Iranian solar calendar include the cultural celebrations of Nowruz (Farvardin 1–4; 21–24 March) and Sizdebedar (Farvardin 13; 2 April), and the political events of Islamic Republic Day (Farvardin 12; 1 April), the death of Ruhollah Khomeini (Khordad 14; 4 June), the Khordad 15 event (Khordad 15; 5 June), the anniversary of the 1979 Revolution (Bahman 22; 10 February), and Oil Nationalization Day (Esfand 29; 19 March).[524] Lunar Islamic public holidays include Tasua (Muharram 9), Ashura (Muharram 10), Arba'een (Safar 20), the death of Muhammad (Safar 28), the death of Ali al-Ridha (Safar 29 or 30), the birthday of Muhammad (Rabi-al-Awwal 17), the death of Fatimah (Jumada-al-Thani 3), the birthday of Ali (Rajab 13), Muhammad's first revelation (Rajab 27), the birthday of Muhammad al-Mahdi (Sha'ban 15), the death of Ali (Ramadan 21), Eid al-Fitr (Shawwal 1–2), the death of Ja'far al-Sadiq (Shawwal 25), Eid al-Qurban (Zulhijja 10), and Eid al-Qadir (Zulhijja 18).[524] Cuisine Main article: Iranian cuisine Chelow kabab (rice and kebab), one of Iran's national dishes[525][526][527] Due to its variety of ethnic groups and the influences from the neighboring cultures, the cuisine of Iran is diverse. Herbs, along with fruits such as plums, pomegranate, quince, prunes, apricots, and raisins, are frequently used. To achieve a balanced taste, characteristic flavorings such as saffron, dried lime, cinnamon, and parsley are mixed delicately and used in some special dishes. Onion and garlic are commonly used in the preparation of the accompanying course, but are also served separately during meals, either in raw or pickled form. Iranian cuisine includes a wide range of main dishes, including various types of kebab, pilaf, stew (khoresh), soup and āsh, and omelette. Lunch and dinner meals are commonly accompanied by side dishes such as plain yogurt or mast-o-khiar, sabzi, salad Shirazi, and torshi, and might follow dishes such as borani, Mirza Qasemi, or kashk e bademjan as the appetizer. An Iranian tea (čāy) tray served near Garden of Mausoleum of Omar Khayyam in Nishapur In Iranian culture, tea (čāy) is widely consumed.[528][529] Iran is the world's seventh major tea producer,[530] and a cup of tea is typically the first thing offered to a guest.[531] One of Iran's most popular desserts is the falude,[532] consisting of vermicelli in a rose water syrup, which has its roots in the fourth century BC.[533][534] There is also the popular saffron ice cream, known as bastani sonnati ("traditional ice cream"),[535] which is sometimes accompanied with carrot juice.[536] Iran is also famous for its caviar.[537] Sports Main article: Sport in Iran Skiers at the Dizin Ski Resort Iran is most likely the birthplace of polo,[538][539] locally known as čowgān, with its earliest records attributed to the ancient Medes.[540] Freestyle wrestling is traditionally considered the national sport of Iran, and the national wrestlers have been world champions on many occasions. Iran's traditional wrestling, called košti e pahlevāni ("heroic wrestling"), is registered on UNESCO's Intangible Cultural Heritage list. Being a mountainous country, Iran is a venue for skiing, snowboarding, hiking, rock climbing,[541] and mountain climbing.[542][543] It is home to several ski resorts, the most famous being Tochal, Dizin, and Shemshak, all within one to three hours traveling from the capital city Tehran.[544] The resort of Tochal, located in the Alborz mountain rage, is the world's fifth-highest ski resort (3,730 m or 12,238 ft at its highest station). Iran's National Olympic Committee was founded in 1947. Wrestlers and weightlifters have achieved the country's highest records at the Olympics. In September 1974, Iran became the first country in West Asia to host the Asian Games. The Azadi Sport Complex, the largest sports complex in Iran, was originally built for this occasion. The Azadi Stadium in Tehran is West Asia's largest football stadium. Football has been regarded as the most popular sport in Iran, with the men's national team having won the Asian Cup on three occasions. The men's national team has maintained its position as Asia's best team, ranking 1st in Asia and 22nd in the world according to the FIFA World Rankings (as of September 2021).[545] Volleyball is the second most popular sport in Iran.[546][547] Having won the 2011 and 2013 Asian Men's Volleyball Championships, the men's national team is currently the strongest team in Asia, and ranks eighth in the FIVB World Rankings (as of July 2017). Kabaddi is one of the most popular sports played in Iran as Iran national kabaddi team are considered as one of the toughest and best team in Kabaddi having produced the greatest players namely Fazel Atrachali, Meraj Sheykh, Abolfazl Maghsoudlou, Abozar Mohajer Mighani, Mohammad Esmaeil Nabibakhsh, Hadi Oshtorak, Hadi Tajik, Mohsen Maghsoudlou and many more international stars. Basketball is also popular,[548] with the men's national team having won three Asian Championships since 2007. In 2016, Iran made global headlines for international female champions boycotting tournaments in Iran in chess (U.S. Woman Grandmaster Nazí Paikidze)[549][550] and in shooting (Indian world champion Heena Sidhu),[551] as they refused to enter a country where they would be forced to wear a hijab. Media Main article: Media of Iran According to the Press Freedom Index, Iran holds one of the lowest positions, ranking 174th out of 180 countries as of 2021.[552][553] The Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance is Iran's main government department responsible for the cultural policy, including activities regarding communications and information.[554] Iran's first newspapers were published during the reign of Naser al-Din Shah of the Qajar dynasty in the mid-19th century.[555] Most of the newspapers published in Iran are in Persian, the country's official language. The country's most widely circulated periodicals are based in Tehran, among which are Etemad, Ettela'at, Kayhan, Hamshahri, Resalat, and Shargh.[344] Tehran Times, Iran Daily, and Financial Tribune are among English-language newspapers based in Iran. Television was introduced in Iran in 1958.[556] Although the 1974 Asian Games were broadcast in color, full color programming began in 1978.[556] Since the 1979 Revolution, Iran's largest media corporation is the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB).[344] Despite the restrictions on non-domestic television, about 65% of the residents of the capital city and about 30 to 40% of the residents outside the capital city access worldwide television channels through satellite dishes, although observers state that the figures are likely to be higher.[557][558] Iran received access to the Internet in 1993. According to Internet World Stats, as of 2017, around 69.1% of the population of Iran are Internet users.[559] Iran ranks 17th among countries by number of Internet users. According to the statistics provided by the web information company of Alexa, Google Search is Iran's most widely used search engine and Instagram is the most popular online social networking service.[560] Direct access to many worldwide mainstream websites has been blocked in Iran, including Facebook, which has been blocked since 2009 due to the organization of anti-governmental protests on the website.[561] However, as of 2017, Facebook has around 40 million subscribers based in Iran (48.8% of the population) who use virtual private networks and proxy servers to access the website.[559] Some of the officials themselves have verified accounts on the social networking websites that are blocked by the authorities, including Facebook and Twitter.[562] About 90% of Iran's e-commerce takes place on the Iranian online store of Digikala, which has around 750,000 visitors per day and more than 2.3 million subscribers and is the most visited online store in the Middle East.[563][560] Fashion and clothing Main article: Fashion in Iran Fashion in Iran is divided into several historical periods. The exact date of the emergence of weaving in Iran is not yet known, but it is likely to coincide with the emergence of civilization. Clothing in Iran is mentioned in Persian mythology. Ferdowsi and many historians have considered Keyumars to be the inventor of the use of animals' skin and hair as clothing. Some historians have also mentioned Hushang as the first inventor of the use of living skins as clothing.[564] Ferdowsi considers Tahmuras to be a kind of textile initiator in Iran. There are historical discoveries in northern Iran from about 6,000 BC that refer to wool weaving at the time. Other discoveries in central Iran dating back to 4200 BC have shown that the animals' skin has not been the only clothing worn on the Iranian Plateau since those years. The clothing of ancient Iran took an advanced form, and the fabric and color of clothing became very important at that time. Depending on the social status, eminence, climate of the region and the season, Persian clothing during the Achaemenian period took various forms. The philosophy used in this clothing, in addition to being functional, also had an aesthetic role.[564] Beauty pageant festivals inside Iran were not held after the 1979 revolution, and the last selection ceremony of the "beauty queen of Iran" was held in 1978 in this country. Since then, many Iranian girls have participated in the Beauty pageant and Miss Universe outside of Iran. Sahar Biniaz (Miss Universe Canada 2012) and Shermineh Shahrivar (Miss Germany and Miss Europe) are examples of Iranian models outside Iran.[565][566] Girls of Enghelab Street was a series of protests in 2017–2019 against a compulsory hijab in Iran.[567] See also flag Iran portal icon Asia portal Middle East portal icon Shia Islam portal List of Iran-related topics Outline of Iran Explanatory notes  Persian: جمهوری اسلامی ایران Jomhuri-ye Eslāmi-ye Irān (listen) [dʒomhuːˌɾije eslɒːˌmije ʔiːˈɾɒn]  In the Avesta, the airiia- are members of the ethnic group of the Avesta-reciters themselves, in contradistinction to the anairiia- (the "non-Arya"). The word also appears four times in Old Persian: One is in the Behistun Inscription, where ariya- is the name of a language (DB 4.89). The other three instances occur in Darius the Great's inscription at Naqsh-e Rostam (DNa 14–15), in Darius I's inscription at Susa (DSe 13–14), and in the inscription of Xerxes I at Persepolis (XPh 12–13). In these, the two Achaemenid dynasties describe themselves as pārsa pārsahyā puça ariya ariyaciça "a Persian, son of a Persian, an Ariya, of Ariya origin."—The phrase with ciça ("origin, descendance") assures that ariya is an ethnic name wider in meaning than pārsa and not a simple adjectival epithet.[42] Shia Islam is the second-largest branch of Islam. It holds that the Islamic prophet Muhammad designated Ali Ibn Abu Talib as his successor (khalīfa) and the Imam (spiritual and political leader) after him,[1] most notably at the event of Ghadir Khumm, but was prevented from succeeding Muhammad as the leader of the Muslims as a result of the choice made by some of Muhammad's other companions (ṣaḥāba) at Saqifah. This view primarily contrasts with that of Sunni Islam, whose adherents believe that Muhammad did not appoint a successor before his death and consider Abū Bakr, who was appointed caliph by a group of senior Muslims at Saqifah, to be the first rightful (rāshidūn) caliph after Muhammad.[2] Adherents of Shīʿa Islam are called Shia Muslims, or simply Shia.[3] Shīʿa Islam is based on a ḥadīth report concerning Muhammad's pronouncement at Ghadir Khumm.[4][5] Shia Muslims believe that Ali Ibn Abu Talib, Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, should have been the designated successor to Muhammad as Islam's spiritual and political leader.[6] This belief later developed into the concept of Imamah, the idea that certain descendants of Muhammad, the Ahl al-Bayt, are rightful rulers or Imams,[7] whom Shīʿa Muslims believe possess special spiritual and political authority over the Muslim community.[8] Although there are many Shīʿa subsects, modern Shīʿa Islam has been divided into two main groupings: Twelvers and Ismailis, with Twelver Shias being the largest and most influential group among Shīʿa Muslims.[9][10][11] Shia Islam is the second largest branch of Islam, followed by 10–15% of all Muslims.[12] Twelver Shia Islam is the largest branch of Shia Islam,[13] comprising about 85% of all Shia Muslims.[14] Contents 1 Terminology 2 Beliefs and practices 2.1 Theology 2.1.1 Profession of faith (Shahada) 2.1.2 Infallibility (Ismah) 2.1.3 Occultation (Ghaybah) 2.1.4 Ḥadīth tradition 2.1.5 Holy Relics (Tabarruk) 2.2 Other doctrines 2.2.1 Doctrine about necessity of acquiring knowledge 2.2.2 Doctrine concerning prayer 2.3 Practices 2.3.1 Holidays 2.3.2 Holy sites 3 Demographics 3.1 Significant populations worldwide 4 Major denominations or branches 4.1 Twelver 4.1.1 Doctrine 4.1.2 Books 4.1.3 The Twelve Imams 4.1.4 Jurisprudence 4.1.5 Islamists 4.2 Ismāʿīlī (Sevener) 4.2.1 Ismāʿīlī Imams 4.2.2 Pillars 4.2.3 Contemporary leadership 4.3 Zaydī (Fiver) 4.3.1 Doctrine 4.3.2 Jurisprudence 4.3.3 Timeline 5 History 5.1 Succession of ʿAlī 5.1.1 The Party of ʿAlī 5.1.2 The event of Dhul Asheera 5.1.3 Event of Ghadir Khumm 5.2 Caliphate of ʿAlī 5.3 Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī 5.4 Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī 5.5 Imamate of the Ahl al-Bayt 5.6 Imam Mahdi, last Imam of the Shīʿa 5.7 Dynasties 5.7.1 Fatimid Caliphate 5.7.2 Safavid Empire 6 Persecution of Shīʿa Muslims 7 See also 8 References 8.1 Notes 8.2 Citations 8.3 Sources 9 Further reading 10 External links Terminology Collectively, adherents of Shīʿa Islam are called the Shīʿah (Arabic: شِيعَة; /ˈʃiːə/), which is short for Shīʿatu ʿAlī (Arabic: شِيعَة عَلِيّ; /ˈʃiːʕatu ˈʕaliː/) meaning "followers of Ali", "faction of Ali", or "partisans of Ali";[15][16] Shīʿī (شِيعِيّ) denotes both the singular noun and the adjective form, while Shīyāʿ (شِيَاع) refers to the plural noun.[17] Shīʿa or Shia and Shīʿīsm/Shīʿīte or Shiism/Shiite are the forms used in English and other European languages for adherents, mosques, traditions, and things associated with the Shīʿa branch of Islam.[18][19] The term was first used during Muhammad's lifetime.[20] At present, the word refers to the Muslims who believe that the leadership of the Muslim community after Muhammad belongs to ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, and his successors. Nawbakhti states that the term Shīʿa refers to a group of Muslims who at the time of Muhammad and after him regarded ʿAlī as the Imam and caliph.[21] Al-Shahrastani expresses that the term Shīʿa refers to those who believe that ʿAlī is designated as the heir, Imam, and caliph by Muhammad[22] and that ʿAlī's authority is maintained through his descendants.[23] For the adherents of Shīʿa Islam, this conviction is implicit in the Quran and the history of Islam. Shīʿa Muslim scholars emphasize that the notion of authority is linked to the family of the Abrahamic prophets as the Quranic verses 3:33 and 3:34 show: "Indeed, God chose Adam and Noah and the family of Abraham and the family of 'Imran over the worlds – (33) Descendants, some of them from others. And God is Hearing and Knowing. (34)"[24] Beliefs and practices Theology Main article: Shia Islamic beliefs and practices Shīʿa Islam is the second largest branch of Islam, followed by 10–15% of all Muslims,[12] considered to be vast and inclusive of many different denominations and subgroups.[15] Shīʿa Islam embodies a completely independent system of religious interpretation and political authority in the Muslim world.[25][26] The original Shīʿa identity referred to the followers of Imam ʿAlī,[27] and Shīʿa theology was formulated after the hijra (8th century CE).[28] The first Shīʿa governments and societies were established by the end of the 9th century CE. The 10th century CE has been referred to by the scholar of Islamic studies Louis Massignon as "the Shiite Ismaili century in the history of Islam".[29] Profession of faith (Shahada) Kalema at Qibla of the Mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo, Egypt, displaying the phrase Ali-un-Waliullah (علي ولي الله: "ʿAlī is the Wali (custodian) of God") The Shīʿa version of the Shahada, the Islamic profession of faith, differs from that of the Sunnīs.[30] The Sunnī version of the Shahada states "There is no god except God, Muhammad is the messenger of God", but to this declaration of faith Shīʿa Muslims append the phrase Ali-un-Waliullah (علي ولي الله: "ʿAlī is the Wali (custodian) of God"). The basis for the Shīʿa belief in ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib as the Wali of God is derived from the Quranic verse 5:55, the "Verse of Wilayah".[citation needed] This additional phrase to the declaration of faith embodies the Shīʿa emphasis on the inheritance of authority through Muhammad's family and lineage. The three clauses of the Shīʿa version of the Shahada thus address the fundamental Islamic beliefs of Tawḥīd (unity and oneness of God), Nubuwwah (the prophethood of Muhammad), and Imamah (the Imamate, leadership of the faith).[31] Infallibility (Ismah) Main article: Ismah ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, cousin and son-in-law of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, is credited as the first male convert to Islam. Ismah is the concept of infallibility or "divinely bestowed freedom from error and sin" in Islam.[32] Muslims believe that Muhammad, along with other prophets and messengers in Islam, possessed ismah. Twelver and Ismāʿīlī Shīʿa Muslims also attribute the quality to Imams as well as to Fāṭimah, daughter of Muhammad, in contrast to the Zaydī Shīʿas, who don't attribute ismah to the Imams.[33] Though initially beginning as a political movement, infallibility and sinlessness of the Imams later evolved as a distinct belief of (non-Zaydī) Shīʿīsm.[34] According to Shīʿa Muslim theologians, infallibility is considered a rational, necessary precondition for spiritual and religious guidance. They argue that since God has commanded absolute obedience from these figures, they must only order that which is right. The state of infallibility is based on the Shīʿa interpretation of the verse of purification.[35][36] Thus, they are the most pure ones, the only immaculate ones preserved from, and immune to, all uncleanness.[37] It doesn't mean that supernatural powers prevent them from committing a sin, but due to the fact that they have absolute belief in God, they refrain from doing anything that is a sin.[32] They also have a complete knowledge of God's will. They are in possession of all knowledge brought by the angels to the prophets (nabī) and the messengers (rāsūl). Their knowledge encompasses the totality of all times. Thus, they are believed to act without fault in religious matters.[38] Shīʿa Muslims regard ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib as the successor of Muhammad not only ruling over the entire Muslim community in justice, but also interpreting the Islamic faith, practices, and its esoteric meaning. Hence he was regarded as being free from error and sin (infallible), and appointed by God by divine decree (nass) to be the first Imam.[citation needed] ʿAlī is regarded as a "perfect man" (al-insan al-kamil) similar to Muhammad, according to the Shīʿa viewpoint.[39] Occultation (Ghaybah) Main articles: Occultation (Islam) and Reappearance of Hujjat Allah al-Mahdi Further information: Major Occultation, Minor Occultation, and The Fourteen Infallibles Jamkaran Mosque in Qom, Iran is a popular pilgrimage site for Shīʿa Muslims. Local belief holds that the 12th Shīʿīte Imam—the promised Mahdi according to Twelvers—once appeared and offered prayers at Jamkaran. The Occultation is an eschatological belief held in various denominations of Shīʿa Islam concerning a messianic figure, the hidden and last Imam known as "the Mahdi", that one day shall return on Earth and fill the world with justice. According to the doctrine of Twelver Shīʿīsm, the main goal of Imam Mahdi will be to establish an Islamic state and to apply Islamic laws that were revealed to Muhammad. The Quran doesn't contain verses on the Imamate, which is the basic doctrine of Shīʿa Islam.[40] Some Shīʿa subsects, such as the Zaydī Shīʿas and Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs, don't believe in the idea of the Occultation. The groups which do believe in it differ as to which lineage of the Imamate is valid, and therefore which individual has gone into Occultation. They believe there are many signs that will indicate the time of his return. Twelver Shīʿa Muslims believe that the prophesied Mahdi and twelfth Imam, Hujjat Allah al-Mahdi, is already on Earth in Occultation, and will return at the end of time. Ṭayyibi Ismāʿīlīs and Fatimid/Bohra/Dawoodi Bohra believe the same but for their 21st Ṭayyib, At-Tayyib Abi l-Qasim, and also believe that a Da'i al-Mutlaq ("Unrestricted Missionary") maintains contact with him. Sunnī Muslims believe that the future Mahdi has not yet arrived on Earth.[41] Ḥadīth tradition Shīʿa Muslims believe that the status of ʿAlī is supported by numerous ḥadīth, including the Hadith of the pond of Khumm, Hadith of the two weighty things, Hadith of the pen and paper, Hadith of the invitation of the close families, and Hadith of the Twelve Successors. In particular, the Hadith of the Cloak is often quoted to illustrate Muhammad's feeling towards ʿAlī and his family by both Sunnī and Shīʿa scholars. Shīʿa Muslims prefer to study and read the ḥadīth attributed to the Ahl al-Bayt and close associates, and most have their own separate ḥadīth canon.[42][43] Holy Relics (Tabarruk) It is believed that the armaments and sacred items of all of the prophets, including Muhammad, were handed down in succession to the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt. Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the 6th Shīʿīte Imam, in Kitab al-Kafi mentions that "with me are the arms of the Messenger of Allah. It is not disputable."[44] Further, he claims that with him is the sword of the Messenger of God, his coat of arms, his Lamam (pennon) and his helmet. In addition, he mentions that with him is the flag of the Messenger of God, the victorious. With him is the Staff of Moses, the ring of Solomon, son of David, and the tray on which Moses used to offer his offerings. With him is the name that whenever the Messenger of God would place it between the Muslims and pagans no arrow from the pagans would reach the Muslims. With him is the similar object that angels brought.[44] Al-Ṣādiq also narrated that the passing down of armaments is synonymous to receiving the Imamat (leadership), similar to how the Ark of Covenant in the house of the Israelites signaled prophethood.[44] Imam Ali al-Ridha narrates that wherever the armaments among us would go, knowledge would also follow and the armaments would never depart from those with knowledge (Imamat).[44] Other doctrines Doctrine about necessity of acquiring knowledge According to Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, God gives humans the faculty of reason and argument. Also, God orders humans to spend time thinking carefully on creation while he refers to all creations as his signs of power and glory. These signs encompass all of the universe. Furthermore, there is a similarity between humans as the little world and the universe as the large world. God does not accept the faith of those who follow him without thinking and only with imitation, but also God blames them for such actions. In other words, humans have to think about the universe with reason and intellect, a faculty bestowed on us by God. Since there is more insistence on the faculty of intellect among Shīʿa Muslims, even evaluating the claims of someone who claims prophecy is on the basis of intellect.[45][46] Doctrine concerning prayer Main article: Salah Praying in Shīʿa Islam has an important place, as Muhammad described it as a weapon of the believer. In fact, Duʼa considered as something that is a feature of Shia community in a sense. Performing Duʼa in Shīʿa Islam has a special ritual. Because of this, there are many books written on the instructions and conditions of praying among Shīʿa Muslims. Shīʿīte clergymen always invited their followers to recite Duʼa. For instance, ʿAlī has been considered with the subject of Duʼa because of his leadership in monotheism.[citation needed] Practices Shīʿa Muslims gathered in prayer at the Shrine of Imam Ḥusayn in Karbala, Iraq Shīʿa religious practices, such as prayers, differ only slightly from the Sunnīs. While all Muslims pray five times daily, Shīʿa Muslims have the option of combining Dhuhr with Asr and Maghrib with Isha', as there are three distinct times mentioned in the Quran. The Sunnīs tend to combine only under certain circumstances.[citation needed] Holidays Main article: Shia days of remembrance Shīʿa Muslims celebrate the following annual holidays: Eid ul-Fitr, which marks the end of fasting during the month of Ramadan Eid al-Adha, which marks the end of the Hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca Eid al-Ghadeer, which is the anniversary of the Ghadir Khum, the occasion when Muhammad announced Ali's Imamate before a multitude of Muslims.[47] Eid al-Ghadeer is held on the 18th of Dhu al-Hijjah. The Mourning of Muharram and the Day of Ashura for Shīʿa Muslims commemorate the martyrdom of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, brother of Ḥasan and grandson of Muhammad, who was killed by Yazid ibn Muawiyah in Karbala (central Iraq). Ashura is a day of deep mourning which occurs on the 10th of Muharram. Arba'een commemorates the suffering of the women and children of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī's household. After Ḥusayn was killed, they were marched over the desert, from Karbala (central Iraq) to Shaam (Damascus, Syria). Many children (some of whom were direct descendants of Muhammad) died of thirst and exposure along the route. Arbaein occurs on the 20th of Safar, 40 days after Ashura. Mawlid, Muhammad's birth date. Unlike Sunnī Muslims, who celebrate the 12th of Rabi' al-awwal as Muhammad's day of birth or death (because they assert that his birth and death both occur in this week), Shīʿa Muslims celebrate Muhammad's birthday on the 17th of the month, which coincides with the birth date of Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the 6th Shīʿīte Imam.[48] Fāṭimah's birthday on 20th of Jumada al-Thani. This day is also considered as the "'women and mothers' day"[49] ʿAlī's birthday on 13th of Rajab. Mid-Sha'ban is the birth date of the 12th and final Twelver imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi. It is celebrated by Shia Muslims on the 15th of Sha'aban. Laylat al-Qadr, anniversary of the night of the revelation of the Quran. Eid al-Mubahila celebrates a meeting between the Ahl al-Bayt (household of Muhammad) and a Christian deputation from Najran. Al-Mubahila is held on the 24th of Dhu al-Hijjah. Holy sites Main article: Holiest sites in Shia Islam After the four holy cities of Islam (Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and Damascus), the cities of Najaf, Karbala, and Qom are the most revered by Shīʿa Muslims.[50][51] The Sanctuary of Imām ʿAlī in Najaf, the Shrine of Imam Ḥusayn in Karbala, and the Shrine of Fāṭimah al-Maʿṣūmah in Qom are very essential for Shīʿa Muslims. Other venerated pilgrimage sites include the Imam Reza shrine in Mashhad, the Kadhimiya Mosque in Kadhimiya, Al-Askari Mosque in Samarra, the Sahla Mosque, the Great Mosque of Kufa, the Jamkaran Mosque in Qom, and the Tomb of Daniel in Susa. Most of the Shīʿa sacred places and heritage sites in Saudi Arabia have been destroyed by the Al Saud-Wahhabi armies of the Ikhwan, the most notable being the tombs of the Imams located in the Al-Baqi' cemetery in 1925.[52] In 2006, a bomb destroyed the shrine of Al-Askari Mosque.[53] (See: Anti-Shi'ism). Demographics Main article: Islam by country Islam by country     Sunnī     Shīʿa   Ibadi Map of the Muslim world's schools of jurisprudence.[54] It is estimated that either 10–20%[55] or 10–13%[56][57][58] of the global Muslim population are Shīʿas. They may number up to 200 million as of 2009.[57] As of 1985, Shīʿa Muslims are estimated to be 21% of the Muslim population in South Asia, although the total number is difficult to estimate.[59] Shīʿa Muslims form a majority of the population in various regions of the Muslim world, including Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Iran, and Iraq,[60][61] as well as a plurality in Lebanon. Shīʿa Muslims constitute 36.3% of the entire population (and 38.6% of the Muslim population) of the Middle East.[62] Estimates have placed the proportion of Shīʿa Muslims in Lebanon between 27% and 45% of the population,[60][63] 30%–35% of the citizen population in Kuwait (no figures exist for the non-citizen population),[64][65] over 20% in Turkey,[57][66] 5–20% of the population in Pakistan,[67][57] and 10–19% of Afghanistan's population.[68][69] Saudi Arabia hosts a number of distinct Shīʿa communities, including the Twelver Baharna in the Eastern Province and Nakhawila of Medina, and the Ismāʿīlī Sulaymani and Zaydī Shīʿas of Najran. Estimations put the number of Shīʿīte citizens at 2–4 million,[citation needed] accounting for roughly 15% of the local population.[70] Approximately 40% of the population of Yemen are Shīʿa Muslims.[71][72] Significant Shīʿa communities also exist in the coastal regions of West Sumatra and Aceh in Indonesia (see Tabuik).[73] The Shīʿa presence is negligible elsewhere in Southeast Asia, where Muslims are predominantly Shāfiʿī Sunnīs. A significant Shīʿa minority is present in Nigeria, made up of modern-era converts to a Shīʿīte movement centered around Kano and Sokoto states.[57][58][74] Several African countries like Kenya,[75] South Africa,[76] Somalia,[77] etc. hold small minority populations of various Shīʿa subsects, primarily descendants of immigrants from South Asia during the colonial period, such as the Khoja.[78] Significant populations worldwide Figures indicated in the first three columns below are based on the October 2009 demographic study by the Pew Research Center report, Mapping the Global Muslim Population.[57][58] Nations with over 100,000 Shia[57][58] Country Article Shia population in 2009 (Pew)[57][58] Percent of Muslim population that is Shia in 2009 (Pew)[57][58] Percent of global Shia population in 2009 (Pew)[57][58] Population estimate ranges and notes Iran Islam in Iran 66,000,000–69,500,000 90–95 37–40 Pakistan Shia Islam in the Indian subcontinent 25,272,000 15 15 A 2010 estimate was that Shia made up about 10–15% of Pakistan's population.[79] Iraq Shi'a Islam in Iraq 19,000,000–24,000,000 55–65 10–11 India Shia Islam in the Indian subcontinent 12,300,000–18,500,000 10–15 9–14 Yemen Shia Islam in Yemen 7,000,000–8,000,000 35–40 ~5 Majority following Zaydi Shia sect. Turkey Shi'a Islam in Turkey 6,000,000–9,000,000 ~10–15 ~3–4 Majority following Alevi Shia sect. Azerbaijan Islam in Azerbaijan 4,575,000–5,590,000 45–55 2–3 Azerbaijan is majority Shia.[80][81][82] A 2012 work noted that in Azerbaijan, among believers of all faiths, 10% identified as Sunni, 30% identified as Shia, and the remainder of followers of Islam simply identified as Muslim.[82] Afghanistan Shi'a Islam in Afghanistan 3,000,000 15 ~2 A reliable census has not been taken in Afghanistan in decades, but about 20% of Afghan population is Shia, mostly among ethnic Tajik and Hazara minorities.[83] Syria Islam in Syria 2,400,000 13 ~2 Majority following Alawites Shia sect. Lebanon Shi'a Islam in Lebanon 2,100,000 31.2 <1 In 2020, the CIA World Factbook stated that Shia Muslims constitute 31.2% of Lebanon's population.[84] Saudi Arabia Shi'a Islam in Saudi Arabia 2,000,000 ~6 Nigeria Shi'a Islam in Nigeria <2,000,000 <1 <1 Estimates range from as low as 2% of Nigeria's Muslim population to as high as 17% of Nigeria's Muslim population.[a] Some, but not all, Nigerian Shia are affiliated with the banned Islamic Movement in Nigeria, an Iranian-inspired Shia organization led by Ibrahim Zakzaky.[85] Tanzania Islam in Tanzania ~1,500,000 ~2.5 <1 Kuwait Shi'a Islam in Kuwait 500,000–700,000 20–25 <1 Among Kuwait's estimated 1.4 million citizens, about 30% are Shia (including Ismaili and Ahmadi, whom the Kuwaiti government count as Shia). Among Kuwait's large expatriate community of 3.3 million noncitizens, about 64% are Muslim, and among expatriate Muslims, about 5% are Shia.[87] Bahrain Islam in Bahrain 400,000–500,000 65–70 <1 Tajikistan Shi'a Islam in Tajikistan ~400,000 ~4 <1 Shi'a Muslims in Tajikistan are predominantly Nizari Ismaili Germany Islam in Germany ~400,000 ~0.5 <1 United Arab Emirates Islam in the United Arab Emirates ~300,000 ~3 <1 United States Islam in the United States Shia Islam in the Americas ~225,000 ~0.07 <1 Shi'a form a majority amongst Arab Muslims in many American cities, e.g. Lebanese Shi'a forming the majority in Detroit.[88] United Kingdom Islam in the United Kingdom ~125,000 ~0.2 <1 Qatar Islam in Qatar ~100,000 ~3.5 <1 Oman Islam in Oman ~100,000 ~2 <1 As of 2015, about 5% of Omanis are Shia (compared to about 50% Ibadi and 45% Sunni).[89] Major denominations or branches Main article: Islamic schools and branches § Shīʿa Islam Further information: List of extinct Shia sects and Schools of Islamic theology § Shīʿa schools of theology The Shīʿa community throughout its history split over the issue of the Imamate. The largest branch are the Twelvers, followed by the Zaydīs and the Ismāʿīlīs. Each subsect of Shīʿīsm follows its own line of Imamate. All mainstream Twelver and Ismāʿīlī Shīʿa Muslims follow the same school of thought, the Jaʽfari jurisprudence, named after Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the 6th Shīʿīte Imam. Shīʿīte clergymen and jurists usually carry the title of mujtahid (i.e., someone authorized to issue legal opinions in Shīʿa Islam). Twelver Main article: Twelver Twelver Shīʿīsm or Ithnāʿashariyyah is the largest branch of Shīʿa Islam, and the terms Shīʿa Muslim and Shīʿa often refer to the Twelvers by default. The designation Twelver is derived from the doctrine of believing in twelve divinely ordained leaders, known as "the Twelve Imams". Twelver Shīʿas are otherwise known as Imami or Jaʿfari; the latter term derives from Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the 6th Shīʿīte Imam, who elaborated the Twelver jurisprudence.[90] Twelver Shīʿas constitute the majority of the population in Iran (90%),[91] Azerbaijan (85%),[15][92] Bahrain (70%), Iraq (65%), and Lebanon (65% of Muslims).[93][94][95] Doctrine Names of the 12 Imams (descendants of Imam ʿAlī) written in the calligraphic form of the name ʿAlī in Arabic: علي Twelver doctrine is based on five principles.[96] These five principles known as Usul ad-Din are as follow:[97] Monotheism: God is one and unique; Justice: the concept of moral rightness based on ethics, fairness, and equity, along with the punishment of the breach of these ethics; Prophethood: the institution by which God sends emissaries, or prophets, to guide humankind; Leadership: a divine institution which succeeded the institution of Prophethood. Its appointees (Imams) are divinely appointed; Resurrection and Last Judgment: God's final assessment of humanity. More specifically, these principles are known as Usul al-Madhhab (principles of the Shīʿa branch of Islam) according to Twelver Shīʿas, which differ from Daruriyat al-Din ("Necessities of Religion"), which are principles in order for one to be a Muslim. Daruriyat al-Din don't include leadership (Imamah), as it is not a requirement in order for one to be recognized as a Muslim. However, this category, according to Twelver scholars like Ayatollah Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei, does include belief in God, prophethood, the Day of Resurrection, and other "necessities" (such as the belief in angels). In this regard, Twelver Shīʿas draw a distinction in terms of believing in the main principles of Islam on the one hand, and specifically Shīʿīte doctrines like the Imamate on the other.[citation needed] Books Besides the Quran, which is the sacred text common to all Muslims, Twelver Shīʿas derive scriptural and authoritative guidance from collections of sayings and traditions (ḥadīth) attributed to Muhammad and the Twelve Imams. Below is a list of some of the most prominent of these books: Nahj al-Balagha by Ash-Sharif Ar-Radhi[98] – the most famous collection of sermons, letters & narration attributed to Ali, the first Imam regarded by Shias Kitab al-Kafi by Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni[99] Wasa'il al-Shiʻah by al-Hurr al-Amili The Twelve Imams Main articles: Imamate in Twelver doctrine, Sunni reports about there being 12 successors to the Prophet, and Hadith of the Twelve Successors Further information: Occultation (Islam), Reappearance of Hujjat Allah al-Mahdi, and The Fourteen Infallibles Calligraphic representation of the 12 Imams along with the name of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. The Twelve Imams are the spiritual and political successors to Muhammad for the Twelvers.[citation needed] According to the theology of Twelvers, the successor of Muhammad is an infallible human individual who not only rules over the Muslim community with justice but also is able to keep and interpret the divine law (sharīʿa) and its esoteric meaning. The words and deeds of Muhammad and the Twelve Imams are a guide and model for the Muslim community to follow; as a result, they must be free from error and sin, and Imams must be chosen by divine decree (nass) through Muhammad.[100][101] In Twelver Shīʿīsm, each Imam was the son of the previous Imam, with the exception of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, who was the brother of Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī.[citation needed] The twelfth and final Imam is Hujjat Allah al-Mahdi, who is believed by Twelvers to be currently alive and hidden in Occultation.[102] Jurisprudence Main article: Ja'fari jurisprudence Further information: Shia clergy The Twelver jurisprudence is called Jaʽfari jurisprudence. In this school of Islamic jurisprudence, the sunnah is considered to be comprehensive of the oral traditions of Muhammad and their implementation and interpretation by the Twelve Imams. There are three schools of Jaʿfari jurisprudence: Usuli, Akhbari, and Shaykhi; the Usuli school is by far the largest of the three. Twelver groups that don't follow the Jaʿfari jurisprudence include Alevis, Bektashi, and Qizilbash. The five pillars of Islam to the Jaʿfari jurisprudence are known as Usul ad-Din: Tawḥīd: unity and oneness of God; Nubuwwah: prophethood of Muhammad; Muʿad: resurrection and final judgment; ʿAdl: justice of God; Imamah: the rightful place of the Shīʿīte Imams. In Jaʿfari jurisprudence, there are eight secondary pillars, known as Furu ad-Din, which are as follows:[97] Salat (prayer); Sawm (fasting); Hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca; Zakāt (alms giving to the poor); Jihād (struggle) for the righteous cause; Directing others towards good; Directing others away from evil; Khums (20% tax on savings yearly, after deduction of commercial expenses). According to Twelvers, defining and interpretation of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) is the responsibility of Muhammad and the Twelve Imams. Since the 12th Imam is currently in Occultation, it is the duty of Shīʿīte clerics to refer to the Islamic literature, such as the Quran and ḥadīth, and identify legal decisions within the confines of Islamic law to provide means to deal with current issues from an Islamic perspective. In other words, clergymen in Twelver Shīʿīsm are believed to be the guardians of fiqh, which is believed to have been defined by Muhammad and his twelve successors. This process is known as ijtihad and the clerics are known as marjaʿ, meaning "reference"; the labels Allamah and Ayatollah are in use for Twelver clerics. Islamists Islamist Shīʿīsm (Persian: تشیع اخوانی) is a new denomination within Twelver Shīʿīsm greatly inspired by the political ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood and mysticism of Ibn Arabi. It sees Islam as a political system and differs from the other mainstream Usuli and Akhbari groups in favoring the idea of the establishment of an Islamic state in Occultation under the rule of the 12th Imam.[103][104] Hadi Khosroshahi was the first person to identify himself as ikhwani (Islamist) Shīʿa Muslim.[105] Because of the concept of the hidden Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, Shīʿa Islam is inherently secular in the age of Occultation, therefore Islamist Shīʿa Muslims had to borrow ideas from Sunnī Islamists and adjust them in accordance with the doctrine of Shīʿīsm.[106] Its foundations were laid during the Persian Constitutional Revolution at the start of 20th century in Qajar Iran (1905–1911), when Fazlullah Nouri supported the Persian king Ahmad Shah Qajar against the will of Muhammad Kazim Khurasani, the Usuli marjaʿ of the time.[107] Ismāʿīlī (Sevener) Main article: Isma'ilism Ismāʿīlīs, otherwise known as Sevener, derive their name from their acceptance of Ismāʿīl ibn Jaʿfar as the divinely appointed spiritual successor (Imam) to Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the 6th Shīʿīte Imam, wherein they differ from the Twelvers, who recognize Mūsā al-Kāẓim, younger brother of Ismāʿīl, as the true Imam. After the death or Occultation of Muhammad ibn Imam Ismāʿīl in the 8th century CE, the teachings of Ismāʿīlīsm further transformed into the belief system as it is known today, with an explicit concentration on the deeper, esoteric meaning (bāṭin) of the Islamic faith. With the eventual development of Twelver Shīʿīsm into the more literalistic (zahīr) oriented Akhbari and later Usuli schools of thought, Shīʿīsm further developed in two separate directions: the metaphorical Ismāʿīlī group focusing on the mystical path and nature of God and the divine manifestation in the personage of the "Imam of the Time" as the "Face of God", with the more literalistic Twelver group focusing on divine law (sharī'ah) and the deeds and sayings (sunnah) attributed to Muhammad and his successors (the Ahl al-Bayt), who as A'immah were guides and a light (nūr) to God.[108] Shāh Karim al-Husayni, known as the Aga Khan IV, is the 49th and current Imam of Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs. Though there are several subsects amongst the Ismāʿīlīs, the term in today's vernacular generally refers to the Shīʿa Imami Ismāʿīlī Nizārī community, often referred to as the Ismāʿīlīs by default, who are followers of the Aga Khan and the largest group within Ismāʿīlīsm. Another Shīʿa Imami Ismāʿīlī community are the Dawudi Bohras, led by a Da'i al-Mutlaq ("Unrestricted Missionary") as representative of a hidden Imam. While there are many other branches with extremely differing exterior practices, much of the spiritual theology has remained the same since the days of the faith's early Imams. In recent centuries, Ismāʿīlīs have largely been an Indo-Iranian community,[109] but they can also be found in India, Pakistan, Syria, Palestine, Saudi Arabia,[110] Yemen, Jordan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, East and South Africa, and in recent years several Ismāʿīlīs have emigrated to China,[111] Western Europe (primarily in the United Kingdom), Australia, New Zealand, and North America.[112] Ismāʿīlī Imams Main article: List of Ismaili imams In the Nizārī Ismāʿīlī interpretation of Shīʿa Islam, the Imam is the guide and the intercessor between humans and God, and the individual through whom God is recognized. He is also responsible for the esoteric interpretation of the Quran (taʾwīl). He is the possessor of divine knowledge and therefore the "Prime Teacher". According to the "Epistle of the Right Path", a Persian Ismāʿīlī prose text from the post-Mongol period of Ismāʿīlī history, by an anonymous author, there has been a chain of Imams since the beginning of time, and there will continue to be an Imam present on the Earth until the end of time. The worlds would not exist in perfection without this uninterrupted chain of Imams. The proof (hujja) and gate (bāb) of the Imam are always aware of his presence and are witness to this uninterrupted chain.[113] After the death of Ismāʿīl ibn Jaʿfar, many Ismāʿīlīs believed that one day the eschatological figure of Imam Mahdi, whom they believed to be Muhammad ibn Imam Ismāʿīl, would return and establish an age of justice. One group included the violent Qarmatians, who had a stronghold in Bahrain. In contrast, some Ismāʿīlīs believed the Imamate did continue, and that the Imams were in Occultation and still communicated and taught their followers through a network of Da'i ("Missionaries"). In 909 CE, Abdullah al-Mahdi Billah, a claimant to the Ismāʿīlī Imamate, established the Fatimid Caliphate. During this period, three lineages of Imams were formed. The first branch, known today as the Druze, began with Al-Ḥākim bi-Amr Allāh.[114] Born in 985 CE, he ascended as ruler at the age of eleven. When in 1021 CE his mule returned without him, soaked in blood, a religious group that was forming in his lifetime broke off from mainstream Ismāʿīlīsm and didn't acknowledge his successor.[114] Later to be known as the Druze, they believe Al-Ḥākim to be God incarnate[115] and the prophesied Mahdi on Earth, who would one day return and bring justice to the world.[116] The Druze faith further split from Ismāʿīlīsm as it developed into a distinct monotheistic Abrahamic religion and ethno-religious group with its own unique doctrines,[114] and finally separated from both Ismāʿīlīsm and Islam altogether.[114] Thus, the Druze don't identify themselves as Muslims,[114] and aren't considered as such by Muslims either.[114][117][118][119][120] The second split occurred between Nizārī and Musta‘lī Ismāʿīlīs following the death of Ma'ad al-Mustansir Billah in 1094 CE. His rule was the longest of any caliph in any Islamic empire. Upon his passing away, his sons, Nizār (the older) and Al-Musta‘lī (the younger), fought for political and spiritual control of the dynasty. Nizār was defeated and jailed, but according to the Nizārī tradition his son escaped to Alamut, where the Iranian Ismāʿīlī had accepted his claim.[121] From here on, the Nizārī Ismāʿīlī community has continued with a present, living Imam. The Musta‘lī Ismāʿīlīs split between the Ṭayyibi and the Ḥāfiẓi; Ṭayyibi Ismāʿīlīs, also known as "Bohras", are further divided between Dawudi Bohras, Sulaymani Bohras, and Alavi Bohras. The former denomination claims that At-Tayyib Abi l-Qasim, son of Al-Amir bi-Ahkami l-Lah, and the Imams following him went into a period of anonymity (Dawr-e-Satr) and appointed a Da'i al-Mutlaq ("Unrestricted Missionary") to guide the community, in a similar manner as the Ismāʿīlīs had lived after the death of Muhammad ibn Imam Ismāʿīl. The latter denomination claims that the ruling Fatimid caliph was the Imam, and they died out with the fall of the Fatimid Empire. Pillars Ismāʿīlīs have categorized their practices which are known as seven pillars: Walayah (Guardianship) Taharah (Purity) Salat (Prayer) Zakāt (Charity) Sawm (Fasting) Hajj (Pilgrimage) Jihad (Struggle) Contemporary leadership The Nizārīs place importance on a scholarly institution because of the existence of a present Imam. The Imam of the Age defines the jurisprudence, and his guidance may differ with Imams previous to him because of different times and circumstances. For Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs, the current Imam is Karim al-Husayni Aga Khan IV. The Nizārī line of Imams has continued to this day as an uninterrupted chain. Divine leadership has continued in the Bohra branch through the institution of the "Missionary" (Da'i). According to the Bohra tradition, before the last Imam, At-Tayyib Abi l-Qasim, went into seclusion, his father, the 20th Al-Amir bi-Ahkami l-Lah, had instructed Al-Hurra Al-Malika the Malika (Queen consort) in Yemen to appoint a vicegerent after the seclusion—the Da'i al-Mutlaq ("Unrestricted Missionary"), who as the Imam's vicegerent has full authority to govern the community in all matters both spiritual and temporal while the lineage of Musta‘lī-Ṭayyibi Imams remains in seclusion (Dawr-e-Satr). The three branches of Musta‘lī Ismāʿīlīs (Dawudi Bohras, Sulaymani Bohras, and Alavi Bohras) differ on who the current "Unrestricted Missionary" is. Zaydī (Fiver) Main article: Zaydism Gold dinar of al-Ḥādī ila'l-Ḥaqq Yaḥyā, the first Zaydī Imam of Yemen, minted in 910–911 CE. The Zaydī State of Yemen under the rule of Imam Al-Mutawakkil Ismāʿīl bin al-Qāsim (1644–1676) Zaydīsm, otherwise known as Zaydīyyah or Zaydī, is a branch of Shīʿa Islam named after Zayd ibn ʿAlī. Followers of the Zaydī school of jurisprudence are called Zaydīs or occasionally Fivers. However, there is also a group called Zaydī Wasītīs who are Twelvers (see below). Zaydīs constitute roughly 42–47% of the population of Yemen.[122][123] Doctrine The Zaydīs, Twelvers, and Ismāʿīlīs all recognize the same first four Imams; however, the Zaydīs consider Zayd ibn ʿAlī as the 5th Imam. After the time of Zayd ibn ʿAlī, the Zaydīs believed that any descendant (Sayyid) of Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī or Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī could become the next Imam, after fulfilling certain conditions.[124] Other well-known Zaydī Imams in history were Yahya ibn Zayd, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya, and Ibrahim ibn Abdullah. The Zaydī doctrine of Imamah doesn't presuppose the infallibility of the Imam, nor the belief that the Imams are supposed to receive divine guidance. Moreover, Zaydīs don't believe that the Imamate must pass from father to son but believe it can be held by any Sayyid descended from either Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī or Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī (as was the case after the death of the former). Historically, Zaydīs held that Zayd ibn ʿAlī was the rightful successor of the 4th Imam since he led a rebellion against the Umayyads in protest of their tyranny and corruption. Muhammad al-Baqir did not engage in political action, and the followers of Zayd ibn ʿAlī maintained that a true Imam must fight against corrupt rulers. Jurisprudence In matters of Islamic jurisprudence, Zaydīs follow the teachings of Zayd ibn ʿAlī, which are documented in his book Majmu'l Fiqh (in Arabic: مجموع الفِقه). Al-Ḥādī ila'l-Ḥaqq Yaḥyā, the first Zaydī Imam and founder of the Zaydī State in Yemen, is regarded as the codifier of Zaydī jurisprudence, and as such most Zaydī Shīʿas today are known as Hadawis. Timeline The Idrisids (Arabic: الأدارسة) were Arab[125] Zaydī Shīʿas[126][127][128][129][130][131] whose dynasty, named after its first sultan, Idris I, ruled in the western Maghreb from 788 to 985 CE. Another Zaydī State was established in the region of Gilan, Deylaman, and Tabaristan (northern Iran) in 864 CE by the Alavids;[132] it lasted until the death of its leader at the hand of the Samanids in 928 CE. Roughly forty years later, the Zaydī State was revived in Gilan and survived under Hasanid leaders until 1126 CE. Afterwards, from the 12th to 13th centuries, the Zaydī Shīʿas of Deylaman, Gilan, and Tabaristan then acknowledged the Zaydī Imams of Yemen or rival Zaydī Imams within Iran.[133] The Buyids were initially Zaydī Shīʿas,[134] as were the Banu Ukhaidhir rulers of al-Yamama in the 9th and 10th centuries.[135] The leader of the Zaydī community took the title of caliph; thus, the ruler of Yemen was known by this title. Al-Hadi Yahya bin al-Hussain bin al-Qasim ar-Rassi, a descendant of Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī, founded the Zaydī Imamate at Sa'dah in 893–897 CE, and the Rassid dynasty continued to rule over Yemen until the middle of the 20th century, when the republican revolution of 1962 deposed the last Zaydī Imam. (See: Arab Cold War). The founding Zaydī branch in Yemen was the Jarudiyya; however, with increasing interaction with the Ḥanafī and Shāfiʿī schools of Sunnī jurisprudence, there was a shift from the Jarudiyya group to the Sulaimaniyya, Tabiriyya, Butriyya, and Salihiyya.[136] Zaydī Shīʿas form the second dominant religious group in Yemen. Currently, they constitute about 40–45% of the population in Yemen; Jaʿfaris and Ismāʿīlīs constitute the 2–5%.[137] In Saudi Arabia, it is estimated that there are over 1 million Zaydī Shīʿas, primarily based in the western provinces. Currently, the most prominent Zaydī political movement is the Houthi movement in Yemen,[138] known by the name of Shabab al-Mu'mineen ("Believing Youth") or Ansar Allah ("Partisans of God").[139] In 2014–2015, Houthis took over the Yemeni government in Sana'a, which led to the fall of the Saudi Arabian-backed government of Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi.[138][139][140] Houthis and their allies gained control of a significant part of Yemen's territory, and resisted the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen seeking to restore Hadi in power.[138][139] (See: Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict). Both the Houthis and the Saudi Arabian-led coalition were being attacked by the Sunnī Islamist militant group and Salafi-jihadist terrorist organization ISIL/ISIS/IS/Daesh.[141][142][143][144][145][146] History Main article: History of Shia Islam Further information: Origin of Shia Islam Succession of ʿAlī Main articles: Shia view of Ali and Succession to Muhammad Further information: Ali in the Quran Shīʿa Muslims believe that just as a prophet is appointed by God alone, only God has the prerogative to appoint the successor to his prophet. They believe God chose ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib to be Muhammad's successor, infallible, the first caliph (khalīfa, head of state) of Islam. Shīʿa Muslims believe that Muhammad designated Ali as his successor by God's command (Eid Al Ghadir).[147][148] ʿAlī was Muhammad's first-cousin and closest living male relative as well as his son-in-law, having married Muhammad's daughter, Fāṭimah.[149][150] The Party of ʿAlī Further information: The Four Companions Even during the time of Muhammad, there were signs of split among the companions with Salman al-Farsi, Abu Dharr al-Ghifari, Miqdad, and Ammar ibn Yasir amongst the most vehement and loyal supporters of ʿAlī.[151][152] The event of Dhul Asheera Main article: Hadith of Warning During the revelation of Ash-Shu'ara, the twenty-sixth Surah of the Quran, in c. 617 CE,[153] Muhammad is said to have received instructions to warn his family members against adhering to their pre-Islamic religious practices. There are differing accounts of Muhammad's attempt to do this, with one version stating that he had invited his relatives to a meal (later termed the Feast of Dhul Asheera), during which he gave the pronouncement.[154] According to Ibn Ishaq, it consisted of the following speech: Allah has commanded me to invite you to His religion by saying: And warn thy nearest kinsfolk. I, therefore, warn you, and call upon you to testify that there is no god but Allah, and that I am His messenger. O ye sons of Abdul Muttalib, no one ever came to you before with anything better than what I have brought to you. By accepting it, your welfare will be assured in this world and in the Hereafter. Who among you will support me in carrying out this momentous duty? Who will share the burden of this work with me? Who will respond to my call? Who will become my vicegerent, my deputy and my wazir?[155] Among those gathered, only ʿAlī offered his consent. Some sources, such as the Musnad Ahmad ibn Hanbal, do not record Muhammad's reaction to this, though Ibn Ishaq continues that he then declared ʿAlī to be his brother, heir and successor.[156] In another narration, when Muhammad accepted ʿAlī's offer, he "threw up his arms around the generous youth, and pressed him to his bosom" and said, "Behold my brother, my vizir, my vicegerent ... let all listen to his words, and obey him."[157] The direct appointment of ʿAlī as heir in this version is notable in that it alleges that his right to succession was established at the very beginning of Muhammad's prophetic activity. The association with the revelation of a Quranic verse also serves the purpose of providing the nomination with authenticity as well as a divine authorization.[158] Event of Ghadir Khumm Main article: Event of Ghadir Khumm The ḥadīth report of Ghadir Khumm has many different variations and is transmitted by both Sunnī and Shīʿa sources. The narrations generally state that in March 632, Muhammad, while returning from his Farewell Pilgrimage alongside a large number of followers and companions, stopped at the oasis of Ghadir Khumm. There, he took ʿAlī's hand and addressed the gathering. The point of contention between different sects arises when Muhammad, whilst giving his speech, gave the proclamation "Anyone who has me as his mawla, has ʿAlī as his mawla." Some versions add the additional sentence "O God, befriend the friend of ʿAlī and be the enemy of his enemy."[159] Mawla has a number of meanings in Arabic, with interpretations of Muhammad's use here being split along sectarian lines between the Sunnī and Shīʿa Muslims. Among the former group, the word is translated as "friend" or "one who is loyal/close" and that Muhammad was advocating that ʿAlī was deserving of friendship and respect. Conversely, Shīʿa Muslims tend to view the meaning as being "master" or "ruler",[citation needed] and that the statement was a clear designation of ʿAlī being Muhammad's appointed successor. Shīʿa sources also record further details of the event, such as stating that those present congratulated ʿAlī and acclaimed him as Amir al-Mu'minin ("commander of the believers").[159] Caliphate of ʿAlī The investiture of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib at Ghadir Khumm (MS Arab 161, fol. 162r, 1308–1309 CE, Ilkhanid manuscript illustration) When Muhammad died in 632 CE, ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib and Muhammad's closest relatives made the funeral arrangements. While they were preparing his body, Abū Bakr, ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, and Abu Ubaidah ibn al Jarrah met with the leaders of Medina and elected Abū Bakr as caliph. ʿAlī did not accept the caliphate of Abū Bakr and refused to pledge allegiance to him. This is indicated in a ḥadīth report which both Sunnī and Shīʿa Muslims regard as sahih (authentic). Ibn Qutaybah, a 9th-century Sunnī Islamic scholar narrates of ʿAlī: I am the servant of God and the brother of the Messenger of God. I am thus more worthy of this office than you. I shall not give allegiance to you [Abu Bakr & Umar] when it is more proper for you to give bayʼah to me. You have seized this office from the Ansar using your tribal relationship to the Prophet as an argument against them. Would you then seize this office from us, the ahl al-bayt by force? Did you not claim before the Ansar that you were more worthy than they of the caliphate because Muhammad came from among you (but Muhammad was never from Abu Bakr's family) – and thus they gave you leadership and surrendered command? I now contend against you with the same argument…It is we who are more worthy of the Messenger of God, living or dead. Give us our due right if you truly have faith in God, or else bear the charge of wilfully doing wrong... Umar, I will not yield to your commands: I shall not pledge loyalty to him.' Ultimately Abu Bakr said, "O 'Ali! If you do not desire to give your bay'ah, I am not going to force you for the same. ʿAlī's wife and daughter of Muhammad, Fāṭimah, refused to pledge allegiance to Abū Bakr and remained angry with him until she died due to the issues of Fadak, the inheritance from her father, and the situation of ʿUmar at Fāṭimah's house; this is stated in various Sunnī ḥadīth collections, including Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim. Fāṭimah never pledged allegiance to Abū Bakr; neither did she acknowledge or accept his claim to the caliphate.[160] Almost all members of Banu Hashim, the Quraysh tribe to which Muhammad belonged, and many of his closest companions (the ṣaḥāba) had supported ʿAlī's cause after the death of Muhammad, whilst others supported Abū Bakr.[161][162][163][164][165][166][167][168][169] Great Mosque of Kufa, site of ʿAlī's assassination (661 CE)[149][150] Ḍarīẖ over ʿAlī's qabr (grave), Sanctuary of Imām ʿAlī, Najaf (present-day Iraq) It was not until the murder of the third rāshidūn caliph, ʿUthmān (657 CE), that the Muslims of Medina in desperation invited ʿAlī to become the fourth caliph as the last source,[149] and he established his capital in Kufa (present-day Iraq).[15] ʿAlī's rule over the early Muslim community was often contested, and wars were waged against him. As a result, he had to struggle to maintain his power against the groups who betrayed him after giving allegiance to his succession, or those who wished to take his position. This dispute eventually led to the First Fitna, which was the first major civil war between Muslims within the early Islamic empire. The First Fitna began as a series of revolts fought against ʿAlī, caused by the assassination of his political predecessor, ʿUthmān. While the rebels had previously affirmed the legitimacy of ʿAlī's khilafāʾ (caliphate), they later turned against ʿAlī and fought him.[149] ʿAlī ruled from 656 CE to 661 CE,[149] when he was assassinated[150] while prostrating in prayer (sujud). ʿAlī's main rival, Muawiyah, then claimed the caliphate.[170] The connection between the Indus Valley and Shīʿa Islam was established through the early Muslim conquests. According to Derryl N. Maclean, a link between the Sindh region and Shīʿas or proto-Shīʿas can be traced to Hakim ibn Jabalah al-Abdi, a companion of Muhammad, who traveled across the Sindh to Makran in the year 649 CE, and presented a report on the area to the caliph. He supported ʿAlī, and died in the Battle of the Camel alongside Sindhi Jats.[171] He was also a poet and few couplets of his poem in praise of ʿAlī have survived, as reported in Chachnama:[172] "Oh Ali, owing to your alliance (with the prophet) you are truly of high birth, and your example is great, and you are wise and excellent, and your advent has made your age an age of generosity and kindness and brotherly love".[173] During the caliphate of ʿAlī, many Jats came under the influence of Shīʿa Islam.[174] Harith ibn Murrah Al-abdi and Sayfi ibn Fil' al-Shaybani, both officers of ʿAlī's army, attacked Sindhi bandits and chased them to Al-Qiqan (present-day Quetta) in the year 658 CE.[175] Sayfi was one of the seven Shīʿa Muslims who were beheaded alongside Hujr ibn Adi al-Kindi[176] in 660 CE, near Damascus. Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī Main article: Hasan ibn Ali Upon the death of ʿAlī, his elder son Ḥasan became leader of the Muslims of Kufa, and after a series of skirmishes between the Kufa Muslims and the army of Muawiyah, Ḥasan agreed to cede the caliphate to Muawiyah and maintain peace among Muslims upon certain conditions:[177][178] The enforced public cursing of ʿAlī, e.g. during prayers, should be abandoned Muawiyah should not use tax money for his own private needs There should be peace, and followers of Ḥasan should be given security and their rights Muawiyah will never adopt the title of Amir al-Mu'minin ("commander of the believers") Muawiyah will not nominate any successor Ḥasan then retired to Medina, where in 670 CE he was poisoned by his wife Ja'da bint al-Ash'ath ibn Qays, after being secretly contacted by Muawiyah who wished to pass the caliphate to his own son Yazid and saw Ḥasan as an obstacle.[179] Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī Main article: Husayn ibn Ali Battle of Karbala, painting by the Isfahan-based Persian artist Abbas Al-Mousavi, Brooklyn Museum (between 1868 and 1933). Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, ʿAlī's younger son and brother to Ḥasan, initially resisted calls to lead the Muslims against Muawiyah and reclaim the caliphate. In 680 CE, Muawiyah died and passed the caliphate to his son Yazid, and breaking the treaty with Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī. Yazid asked Husayn to swear allegiance (bay'ah) to him. ʿAlī's faction, having expected the caliphate to return to ʿAlī's line upon Muawiyah's death, saw this as a betrayal of the peace treaty and so Ḥusayn rejected this request for allegiance. There was a groundswell of support in Kufa for Ḥusayn to return there and take his position as caliph and Imam, so Ḥusayn collected his family and followers in Medina and set off for Kufa. En route to Kufa, he was blocked by an army of Yazid's men, which included people from Kufa, near Karbala (modern Iraq); Ḥusayn and approximately 72 of his family members and followers were killed in the Battle of Karbala. Left: the Shrine of Imam Ḥusayn; Right: the Mosque of Imam Ḥusayn premises during Arba'een. Shīʿa Muslims regard Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī as a martyr (shahid), and count him as an Imam from the Ahl al-Bayt. They view Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī as the defender of Islam from annihilation at the hands of Yazid I. Ḥusayn is the last Imam following ʿAlī mutually recognized by all branches of Shīʿa Islam.[180] The Battle of Karbala and martyrdom of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī is often cited as the definitive separation between the Shīʿa and Sunnī sects of Islam, and is commemorated each year by Shīʿa Muslims on the Day of Ashura. Imamate of the Ahl al-Bayt Main article: Imamate in Shia doctrine Zulfiqar with and without the shield. The Fatimid depiction of ʿAlī's sword is carved on the gates of Old Cairo, namely Bab al-Nasr (shown below). Two swords were captured from the temple of the pre-Islamic Arabian deity Manāt during the Raid of Sa'd ibn Zaid al-Ashhali. Muhammad gave them to ʿAlī, saying that one of them was "Zulfiqar", which became famously known as the sword of ʿAlī and a later symbol of Shīʿīsm.[181] Depiction of ʿAlī's sword and shield carved on the Bab al-Nasr gate wall in Cairo, Egypt Later, most denominations of Shīʿa Islam, including Twelvers and Ismāʿīlīs, became Imamis. Imami Shīʿītes believe that Imams are the spiritual and political successors to Muhammad.[182] Imams are human individuals who not only rule over the Muslim community with justice, but also are able to keep and interpret the divine law and its esoteric meaning. The words and deeds of Muhammad and the Imams are a guide and model for the community to follow; as a result, they must be free from error and sin, and must be chosen by divine decree (nass) through Muhammad.[100][101] According to this view peculiar to Shīʿa Islam, there is always an Imam of the Age, who is the divinely appointed authority on all matters of faith and law in the Muslim community. ʿAlī was the first Imam of this line, the rightful successor to Muhammad, followed by male descendants of Muhammad through his daughter Fatimah.[182][183] This difference between following either the Ahl al-Bayt (Muhammad's family and descendants) or pledging allegiance to Abū Bakr has shaped the Shīʿa—Sunnī divide on the interpretation of some Quranic verses, ḥadīth literature (accounts of the sayings and living habits attributed to the Islamic prophet Muhammad during his lifetime), and other areas of Islamic belief throughout the history of Islam. For instance, the ḥadīth collections venerated by Shīʿa Muslims are centered on narrations by members of the Ahl al-Bayt and their supporters, while some ḥadīth transmitted by narrators not belonging to or supporting the Ahl al-Bayt are not included. Those of Abu Hurairah, for example, Ibn Asakir in his Taʿrikh Kabir, and Muttaqi in his Kanzuʿl-Umma report that ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb lashed him, rebuked him, and forbade him to narrate ḥadīth from Muhammad. ʿUmar is reported to have said: "Because you narrate hadith in large numbers from the Holy Prophet, you are fit only for attributing lies to him. (That is, one expects a wicked man like you to utter only lies about the Holy Prophet.) So you must stop narrating hadith from the Prophet; otherwise, I will send you to the land of Dus." (An Arab clan in Yemen, to which Abu Hurairah belonged). According to Sunnī Muslims, ʿAlī was the fourth successor to Abū Bakr, while Shīʿa Muslims maintain that ʿAlī was the first divinely sanctioned "Imam", or successor of Muhammad. The seminal event in Shīʿa history is the martyrdom at the Battle of Karbala of ʿAlī's son, Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, and 71 of his followers in 680 CE, who led a non-allegiance movement against the defiant caliph. Sanctuary of Imam Reza in Mashhad, Iran, is a complex which contains the mausoleum of Imam Reza, the 8th Imam of Twelver Shīʿas. It is believed in Twelver and Ismāʿīlī branches of Shīʿa Islam that divine wisdom (ʿaql) was the source of the souls of the prophets and Imams, which bestowed upon them esoteric knowledge (ḥikmah), and that their sufferings were a means of divine grace to their devotees.[184][185] Although the Imam was not the recipient of a divine revelation (waḥy), he had a close relationship with God, through which God guides him, and the Imam, in turn, guides the people. Imamate, or belief in the divine guide, is a fundamental belief in the Twelver and Ismāʿīlī branches of Shīʿa Islam, and is based on the concept that God would not leave humanity without access to divine guidance.[102] Imam Mahdi, last Imam of the Shīʿa Main articles: Mahdi, Muhammad al-Mahdi, Occultation (Islam), and Reappearance of Hujjat Allah al-Mahdi Further information: History of Shia Islam and Imamate in Shia doctrine Ghazan and his brother Öljaitü both were tolerant of sectarian differences within the boundaries of Islam, in contrast to the traditions of Genghis Khan. In Shīʿa Islam, Imam Mahdi is regarded as the prophesied eschatological redeemer of Islam who will rule for seven, nine, or nineteen years (according to differing interpretations) before the Day of Judgment and will rid the world of evil. According to Islamic tradition, the Mahdi's tenure will coincide with the Second Coming of Jesus (ʿĪsā), who is to assist the Mahdi against the Masih ad-Dajjal (literally, the "false Messiah" or Antichrist). Jesus, who is considered the Masih ("Messiah") in Islam, will descend at the point of a white arcade east of Damascus, dressed in yellow robes with his head anointed. He will then join the Mahdi in his war against the Dajjal, where it is believed the Mahdi will slay the Dajjal and unite humankind. Historians dispute over the origins of Shīʿa Islam, with many Western scholars positing that Shīʿīsm began as a political faction rather than a truly religious movement.[186][187] Other scholars disagree, considering this concept of religious-political separation to be an anachronistic application of a Western concept.[188] Dynasties Main article: List of Shia dynasties In the century following the Battle of Karbala (680 CE), as various Shia-affiliated groups diffused in the emerging Islamic world, several nations arose based on a Shia leadership or population. Idrisids (788–985 CE): a Zaydi dynasty in what is now Morocco Qarmatians (899–1077 CE): an Ismaili Iranian dynasty. Their headquarters were in East Arabia and Bahrain. It was founded by Abu Sa'id al-Jannabi. Buyids (934–1055 CE): a Twelver Iranian dynasty. at its peak consisted of large portions of modern Iraq and Iran. Uqaylids (990–1096 CE): a Shia Arab dynasty with several lines that ruled in various parts of Al-Jazira, northern Syria and Iraq. Ilkhanate (1256–1335): a Persianate Mongol khanate established in Persia in the 13th century, considered a part of the Mongol Empire. The Ilkhanate was based, originally, on Genghis Khan's campaigns in the Khwarezmid Empire in 1219–1224, and founded by Genghis's grandson, Hulagu, in territories which today comprise most of Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and Pakistan. The Ilkhanate initially embraced many religions, but was particularly sympathetic to Buddhism and Christianity. Later Ilkhanate rulers, beginning with Ghazan in 1295, embraced Islam his brother Öljaitü promoted Shia Islam.[189] Bahmanids (1347–1527): a Shia Muslim state of the Deccan in southern India and one of the great medieval Indian kingdoms.[190] Bahmanid Sultanate was the first independent Islamic Kingdom in South India.[191] The Fatimid Caliphate at its peak Fatimid Caliphate Al Hakim Mosque, Islamic Cairo. Fatimids (909–1171 CE): Controlled much of North Africa, the Levant, parts of Arabia and Mecca and Medina. The group takes its name from Fatima, Muhammad's daughter, from whom they claim descent. In 909 CE the Shi'i military leader Abu Abdallah al-Shiʻi, overthrew the Sunni ruler in Northern Africa; which began the Fatimid regime.[192] Jawhar (general) (Arabic: جوهر; fl. 966–d. 992) was a Fatimid general. Under the command of Caliph Al-Mu'izz, he led the conquest of North Africa and then of Egypt,[193] founded the city of Cairo[194] and the great al-Azhar Mosque. A Greek slave by origin, he was freed by Al-Mu'izz.[195] Safavid Empire Main articles: Safavid dynasty and Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam One of the first actions performed by Shāh Ismā'īl I of the Safavid dynasty was the proclamation of the Twelver denomination of Shīʿa Islam as the official religion of his newly-founded Persian Empire, causing sectarian tensions in the Middle East when he destroyed the tombs of the Abbasid caliphs, the Sunnī Imam Abū Ḥanīfa al-Nuʿmān, and the Ṣūfī Muslim ascetic ʿAbdul Qādir Gīlānī in 1508.[196] In 1533 the Ottoman Turks, upon their conquest of Iraq, rebuilt various important Sunnī shrines.[196][197] A major turning point in the history of Shīʿa Islam was the dominion of the Safavid dynasty (1501–1736) in Persia. This caused a number of changes in the Muslim world: The ending of the relative mutual tolerance between Sunnīs and Shīʿas that existed from the time of the Mongol conquests onwards and the resurgence of antagonism between the two groups. Initial dependence of Shīʿīte clerics on the state followed by the emergence of an independent body of ulama capable of taking a political stand different from official policies.[198] The growth in importance of Persian centers of Islamic education and religious learning, which resulted in the change of Twelver Shīʿīsm from being a predominantly Arab phenomenon to become predominantly Persian.[199] The growth of the Akhbari school of thought, which taught that only the Quran, ḥadīth literature, and sunnah (accounts of the sayings and living habits attributed to the Islamic prophet Muhammad during his lifetime) are to be bases for verdicts, rejecting the use of reasoning. With the fall of the Safavids, the state in Persia—including the state system of courts with government-appointed judges (qāḍī)—became much weaker. This gave the sharīʿa courts of mujtahid an opportunity to fill the legal vacuum and enabled the ulama to assert their judicial authority. The Usuli school of thought also increased in strength at this time.[200] The declaration of Twelver Shīʿīsm as the state religion of Safavid Persia. The declaration of Twelver Shīʿīsm as the state religion of Safavid Persia.   Battle of Chaldiran in 1514, was a major sectarian crisis between Muslims in the Middle East. Battle of Chaldiran in 1514, was a major sectarian crisis between Muslims in the Middle East.   Monument commemorating the Battle of Chaldiran, where more than 7000 Muslims of the Shīʿa and Sunnī sects killed each other. Monument commemorating the Battle of Chaldiran, where more than 7000 Muslims of the Shīʿa and Sunnī sects killed each other. Persecution of Shīʿa Muslims Main articles: Anti-Shiism and Shia–Sunni relations Further information: Sectarian violence among Muslims and Shia genocide Shrine of Imam ʿAlī in Najaf, Iraq The history of Shīʿa—Sunnī relations has often involved religious discrimination, persecution, and violence, dating back to the earliest development of the two competing sects. At various times throughout the history of Islam, Shīʿa groups and minorities have faced persecution perpetrated by Sunnī Muslims.[201][202][203][204] Militarily established and holding control over the Umayyad government, many Sunnī rulers perceived the Shīʿas as a threat—both to their political and religious authority.[205] The Sunnī rulers under the Umayyad dynasty sought to marginalize the Shīʿa minority, and later the Abbasids turned on their Shīʿa allies and imprisoned, persecuted, and killed them. The persecution of Shīʿa Muslims throughout history by their Sunnī co-religionists has often been characterized by brutal and genocidal acts. Comprising only about 10–15% of the global Muslim population,[12] Shīʿa Muslims remain a marginalized community to this day in many Sunnī-dominant Arab countries, without the rights to practice their religion and freely organize.[206] In 1514, the Ottoman sultan Selim I (1512–1520) ordered the massacre of 40,000 Alevis and Bektashi (Anatolian Shīʿa Muslims).[207] According to Jalal Al-e-Ahmad, "Sultan Selim I carried things so far that he announced that the killing of one Shīʿa had as much otherworldly reward as killing 70 Christians."[208] In 1802, the Al Saud-Wahhabi armies of the Ikhwan from the First Saudi State (1727–1818) attacked and sacked the city of Karbala, the Shīʿa shrine in Najaf (eastern region of Iraq) that commemorates the martyrdom and death of Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī.[209] Under Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist regime in Iraq (1968–2003), Shīʿa Muslims were heavily persecuted, arrested, tortured, and killed.[210] In March 2011, the Malaysian government declared Shīʿa Islam a "deviant" sect and banned Shīʿa Muslims from promoting their faith to other Muslims, but left them free to practice it themselves privately.[211][212] The most recent and grave attempt by Sunnī Muslims to entirely eradicate the Shīʿa community through violent means was the large-scale genocide of Shīʿa Muslims organized and perpetrated by ISIL/ISIS/IS/Daesh in Syria and Iraq between 2014 and 2018,[143][213][144][214] which occurred alongside the genocides of many other religious minorities in the same region of the Middle East perpetrated by the aforementioned Sunnī Islamist militant group and Salafi-jihadist terrorist organization.[143][144][145][146] See also icon Shia Islam portal Islam portal icon Religion portal Alawi Islam Anti-Shi'ism Criticism of Twelver Shia Islam History of Shia Islam Imamate in Shia doctrine Imamate and guardianship of Ali ibn Abi Talib Imamate in Ismaili doctrine Imamate in Nizari doctrine Imamate in Twelver doctrine Intellectual proofs in Shia jurisprudence List of Shia books List of Shia Islamic dynasties List of Shia Muslim scholars of Islam List of Shia Muslims Shia crescent Shia genocide Shia Islam in the Indian subcontinent Shia nations Shia Rights Watch Shia view of Ali Shia view of the Quran
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